Angolan Civil War
2057171
222319088
2008-06-28T18:19:54Z
41.11.177.26
{{Infobox Military Conflict
|conflict=Angolan Civil War
|partof=the [[Cold War]] and the [[South African Border War]]
|image=[[Image:LocationAngola.svg|300px|Angola]]
|date=1975 – August 2002
|place=[[Angola]]
|result=MPLA victory
|combatant1=[[Image:Bandeira do MPLA.svg|22px]] [[Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola|MPLA]]<br/>[[Image:Flag of Cuba.svg|22px]] [[Cuba|Republic of Cuba]]<br/>[[Image:Flag of Angola.svg|22px]] [[Angolan Armed Forces|AAF]]<br/>[[Image:Flag of Mozambique.svg|22px]] [[Mozambique]]<ref name=a>{{cite book|last=Nzongola-Ntalaja|first=Georges|coauthors=Wallerstein, Immanuel Maurice|year=1986|title=The Crisis in Zaire|pages=pp. 193–194}}</ref><br/>[[Image:Flag of the Soviet Union.svg|22px]] [[Soviet Union]]
|combatant2=[[Image:Flag of Unita.jpg|22px]] [[UNITA]]<br/>[[Image:Bandeira da FNLA.svg|22px]] [[National Front for the Liberation of Angola|FNLA]]<br/>[[Image:Flag of South Africa 1928-1994.svg|22px]] [[South Africa]]<br/>[[Image:Flag of Zaire.svg|22px]] [[Zaire|Republic of Zaire]]<br/>[[Image:Flag of the United States.svg|22px]] [[United States]]<br> {{PRC}}
|commander1=[[Image:Bandeira do MPLA.svg|22px]] [[Agostinho Neto]]<br>[[Image:Bandeira do MPLA.svg|22px]] [[José Eduardo dos Santos]]
|commander2=[[Image:Flag of Unita.jpg|22px]] [[Jonas Savimbi]]<br>[[Image:Bandeira da FNLA.svg|22px]] [[Holden Roberto]]
|strength1=
|strength2=
|casualties3=Over 500,000 militants<ref name=angolagate>{{cite web|author=Madsen, Wayne|date=2002-05-17|url=http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=2576|title=Report Alleges US Role in Angola Arms-for-Oil Scandal|publisher=CorpWatch|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> and hundreds of thousands of civilians
}}
The '''Angolan Civil War''' began in [[Angola]] after the end of the [[Angolan War of Independence|war for independence]] from [[Portugal]] in 1975. The war featured conflict between two primary Angolan factions, the [[Communist]] [[MPLA]] and the [[anti-Communist]] [[UNITA]]. Yet a third movement, the [[FLEC]], an association of separatist militant groups, fought for the independence of [[Cabinda (province)|Cabinda]].
Formally brought to an end in 2002, an estimated 500,000 people were killed in the 27-year war.<ref name=angolagate/> The Angolan Civil War was one of the largest, longest and most prominent armed conflicts of the [[Cold War]]. Both the Soviet Union and the U.S. considered it critical to the global balance of power and to the outcome of the Cold War.
In addition to the war's two primary factions (the MPLA and UNITA), several other factions also were engaged in the conflict. The [[Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola]]'s (MPLA) base is among the [[Kimbundu]] people and the multiracial [[intelligentsia]] of [[Luanda]]. The MPLA, supported by the [[Soviet Union]] and the [[Eastern bloc]], fought against the [[National Liberation Front of Angola]] (FNLA), an organization based in the [[Bakongo]] region of the north and allied with the United States, the [[People's Republic of China]] and the [[Mobutu]] government in [[Zaïre]]. The United States, [[apartheid]] [[South Africa]], and several other African nations also supported [[Jonas Savimbi]]'s [[National Union for the Total Independence of Angola]] (UNITA), whose ethnic and regional base lies in the [[Ovimbundu]] heartland of central Angola.<ref name=b>{{cite book|last=Leonard|first=Thomas M.|year=2006|title=Encyclopedia of the Developing World|pages=p. 1292|isbn=1579583881}}</ref><ref name=d>{{cite book|last=Scherrer|first=Christian P.|year=2002|title=Genocide and Crisis in Central Africa: Conflict Roots, Mass Violence, and Regional War|pages=p. 335|isbn=0275972240 |publisher=Greenwood Press}}</ref>
==Roots of the conflict==
{{Main|Cabinda (province)}}
{{seealso|Slavery in Angola}}
[[Image:Flag of Cabinda.svg|thumb|right|Unofficial flag of Cabinda]]
The territory of [[Cabinda (province)|Cabinda]] is north of Angola proper, separated by a strip of territory {{convert|60|km|mi|1|abbr=on}} long in the [[Democratic Republic of the Congo]].<ref name=e>{{cite book|last=Mullen|first=J. Atticus Ryan|coauthors=Mullen, Christopher A. |year=1997|title=Unrepresented Nations & Peoples Organization, Yearbook 1997|pages=p. 57|isbn=9041110224 |publisher=Martinus Nijhoff Publishers}}</ref> A [[28th May 1926 coup d'état|coup d'état]] in [[Portugal]] in 1926 led to military rule under the [[Estado Novo]] (New State). The new government annexed Cabinda from [[Belgian Congo]] in 1927 and the [[Constitution of Portugal#Constitution of 1933|Constitution of 1933]] designated Angola and Cabinda as overseas provinces.<ref name=c>{{cite book|last=Griggs|first=Richard A.|coauthors=Bradley, Rachael & Schofield, Clive H |year=2000|title=Boundaries, Borders and Peace-building in Southern Africa: The Spatial Implications of the 'African Renaissance'|pages=p. 8|isbn=1897643373 |publisher=International Boundaries Research Unit}}</ref><ref name=milcoup>{{cite book|last=Olson|first=James Stuart|coauthors=Shadle, Robert|year=1991|title=Historical Dictionary of European Imperialism|pages=p. 103|isbn=0313262578 |publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group}}</ref> The [[Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda]] (FLEC) formed in 1963 during the broader war for independence from Portugal. Contrary to the organization's name, Cabinda is an [[exclave]], not an [[enclave]]. FLEC later split into the [[Armed Forces of Cabinda]] (FLEC-FAC) and Renewal (FLEC-Renovada). Several other, smaller FLEC factions later broke away from these movements, but FLEC-R remained the most prominent because of its size and its tactics. FLEC-R members cut off the ears and noses of government officials and their supporters, similar to the [[Revolutionary United Front]] of [[Sierra Leone]] in the 1990s.<ref name=cabinda>{{cite book|last=Grant|first=J. Andrew|coauthors=Söderbaum, Fredrik |year=2003|title=The New Regionalism in Africa|pages=p. 126|isbn=0754632628|publisher=Ashgate Publishing}}</ref> Despite Cabinda's relatively small size, foreign powers and the nationalist movements coveted the territory for its vast reserves of [[petroleum]], the principal export of Angola then and now.<ref name=oilintro>{{cite book|last=Sousa|first=Matthew V.|coauthors=Forest, James JF |year=2006|title=Oil and Terrorism in the New Gulf: Framing U.S. Energy and Security Policies|pages=p. 31 |isbn=0739119958|publisher=Lexington Books}}</ref>
In the war for independence, the primary ethnic division of ''assimilados'' versus ''indigenos'' peoples masked the inter-ethnic conflict between the various native tribes, a division that emerged in the early 1970s. The [[Union of Peoples of Angola]], the predecessor to the FNLA, only controlled 15% of Angola's territory during the independence war, excluding MPLA-controlled Cabinda. The People's Republic of China openly backed UNITA upon independence despite the mutual support from its adversary South Africa and UNITA's pro-Western tilt. The PRC's support for Savimbi came in 1965, a year after he left the FNLA. China saw [[Holden Roberto|Roberto]] and the FNLA as the stooge of the West and the MPLA as the Soviet Union's proxy. With the [[Sino-Soviet split]], South Africa presented the least odious of allies to the PRC.<ref>{{cite book|last=Ferro|first=Marc|year=1997|title=Colonization: A Global History|pages=p. 322|isbn=0415140072|publisher=Routledge}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|date=1975-12-01|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,913773,00.html|title=A Little Help From Some Friends|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
==1970s==
{{Main|1970s in Angola}}
{{Main|Cuba in Angola}}
===Independence===
[[Agostinho Neto]], the leader of the MPLA, declared the independence of the People's Republic of Angola on [[November 11]], [[1975]], in accordance with the [[Alvor Accords]].<ref name=beginning>{{cite book|last=Rothchild|first=Donald S.|year=1997|title=Managing Ethnic Conflict in Africa: Pressures and Incentives for Cooperation|pages=pp. 115–116 |isbn=0815775938|publisher=Brookings Institution Press}}</ref> UNITA and the FNLA also declared Angolan independence as the Social Democratic Republic of Angola based in [[Huambo]] and the Democratic Republic of Angola based in [[Ambriz]]. FLEC, armed and backed by the French government, declared the independence of the Republic of Cabinda from [[Paris]].<ref name=initialdec>{{cite book|last=Mwaura|first=Ndirangu|year=2005|title=Kenya Today: Breaking the Yoke of Colonialism in Africa|pages=pp. 222–223}}</ref> The FNLA and UNITA forged an alliance on [[November 23]], proclaiming their own coalition government based in [[Huambo]]<ref name=alvor>{{cite book|last=Crocker|first=Chester A.|coauthors=Hampson, Fen Osler; Aall, Pamela R.|year=2005|title=Grasping The Nettle: Analyzing Cases Of Intractable Conflict|pages=p. 213}}</ref> with [[Holden Roberto]] and Jonas Savimbi as co-presidents and José Ndelé and Johnny Pinnock Eduardo as co-Prime Ministers.<ref name=huambogov>{{cite book|last=Kalley|first=Jacqueline Audrey|year=1999|title=Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997|page=pp. 1–2}}</ref>
The South African government told Savimbi and Roberto in early November that the [[South African Defence Force]] (SADF) would soon end [[Operation Savannah (Angola)|operations in Angola]] despite the failure of the coalition to capture Luanda and therefore secure international recognition at independence. Savimbi, desperate to avoid the withdrawal of the largest, friendly, military force in Angola, asked General [[Constand Viljoen]] to arrange a meeting for him with [[South African Prime Minister]] [[John Vorster]], Savimbi's ally since October 1974. On the night of [[November 10]], the day before independence, Savimbi secretly flew to [[Pretoria]], South Africa and the meeting took place. In a reversal of policy, Vorster not only agreed to keep troops through November but promised to withdraw the SADF troops only after the OAU meeting on [[December 9]].<ref name=vormeeting>{{cite book|last=Hilton|first=Hamann|year=2001|title=Days of the Generals|page=p. 34}}</ref><ref name=sav>{{cite book|last=Preez|first=Max Du|year=2003|title=Pale Native|page=p. 84}}</ref> The Soviets, well aware of South African activity in southern Angola, flew Cuban soldiers into Luanda the week before independence. While Cuban officers led the mission and provided the bulk of the troop force, 60 Soviet officers in [[Republic of the Congo|the Congo]] joined the Cubans on [[November 12]]. The Soviet leadership expressly forbid the Cubans from intervening in Angola's civil war, focusing the mission on containing South Africa.<ref name=nogo>{{cite book|last=Westad|first=Odd Arne|year=2005|title=The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times|page=pp. 230–235}}</ref>
In 1975 and 1976 most foreign forces, with the exception of Cuba, withdrew. The last elements of the Portuguese military withdrew in 1975<ref name=porwithdraw>{{cite book|last=Martin|first=Peggy J.|coauthors=Kaplan; Kaplan Staff|year=2005|title=SAT Subject Tests: World History 2005–2006|page=p. 316}}</ref> and the South African military withdrew in February 1976.<ref name=safricainvasion>{{cite book|last=Stearns|first=Peter N.|coauthors=Langer, William Leonard|year=2001|title=The Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval, and Modern, Chronologically Arranged|page=p. 1065}}</ref> On the other hand, Cuba's troop force in Angola increased from 5,500 in December 1975 to 11,000 in February 1976.<ref name=earlycuba>{{cite book|last=Mazrui|first=Ali Al 'Amin|year=1977|title=The Warrior Tradition in Modern Africa|page=p. 227}}</ref>
===Clark Amendment===
{{Main|Operation IA Feature|Clark Amendment}}
[[President of the United States|President]] [[Gerald Ford]] approved covert aid to UNITA and the FNLA through [[Operation IA Feature]] on [[July 18]], [[1975]], despite strong opposition from officials in the [[United States State Department|State Department]] and the CIA. Ford told [[William Colby]], the [[Director of Central Intelligence]], to establish the operation, providing an initial [[US$]]6 million. He granted an additional $8 million on [[July 27]] and another $25 million in August.<ref name=start>{{cite book|last=Andrew|first=Christopher M.|year=1995|title=For the President's Eyes Only: Secret Intelligence and the American Presidency from Washington to Bush|page=p. 412}}</ref><ref name=termination>{{cite book|last=Immerman|first=Richard H.|coauthors=Theoharis, Athan G|year=2006|title=The Central Intelligence Agency: Security Under Scrutiny|page=p. 325}}</ref>
[[Image:Senator dick clark.jpg|thumb|Senator Dick Clark]]
Two days before the program's approval, [[Nathaniel Davis]], the Assistant Secretary of State, told [[Henry Kissinger]], the [[Secretary of State]], that he believed maintaining the secrecy of IA Feature would be impossible. Davis correctly predicted the [[Soviet Union]] would respond by increasing involvement in the Angolan conflict, leading to more violence and negative publicity for the United States. When Ford approved the program, Davis resigned.<ref name=davis>{{cite book|last=Brown|first=Seyom|year=1994|title=The Faces of Power: Constancy and Change in United States Foreign Policy from Truman to Clinton|pages=p. 303}}</ref> [[John Stockwell]], the CIA's station chief in Angola, echoed Davis' criticism saying the success required the expansion of the program, but its size already exceeded what could be hidden from the public eye. Davis' deputy, former U.S. ambassador to Chile [[Edward Mulcahy]], also opposed direct involvement. Mulcahy presented three options for U.S. policy towards Angola on [[May 13]], [[1975]]. Mulcahy believed the Ford administration could use diplomacy to campaign against foreign aid to the [[Communist]] [[MPLA]], refuse to take sides in factional fighting, or increase support for the FNLA and UNITA. He warned however that supporting UNITA would not sit well with [[Mobutu Sese Seko]], the ruler of [[Zaire]].<ref name=mulcahy>{{cite book|last=Hanhim̀eaki|first=Jussi M.|year=2004|title=The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy|page=p. 408}}</ref><ref name=start/>
[[Dick Clark (senator)|Dick Clark]], a [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic]] Senator from [[Iowa]], discovered the operation during a fact-finding mission in Africa, but [[Seymour Hersch]], a reporter for ''[[The New York Times]]'', revealed IA Feature to the public on [[December 13]], [[1975]].<ref name=clark>{{cite book|last=Baravalle|first=Giorgio|year=2004|title=Rethink: Cause and Consequences of September 11|page=p. cdxcii}}</ref> Clark proposed [[Clark Amendment|an amendment]] to the [[Arms Export Control Act]], barring aid to private groups engaged in military or [[paramilitary]] operations in Angola. The [[United States Senate|Senate]] passed the bill, voting 54–22 on [[December 19]], [[1975]] and the [[United States House of Representatives|House]] passed the bill, voting 323–99 on [[January 27]], [[1976]].<ref name=termination/> Ford signed the bill into law on [[February 9]], [[1976]].<ref name=clarksign>{{cite book|last=Gates|first=Robert Michael|year=2007|title=From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War|page=p. 68}}</ref> Even after the Clark Amendment became law, then-[[Director of Central Intelligence]], [[George H. W. Bush]], refused to concede that all U.S. aid to Angola had ceased.<ref name=ns>{{cite book|last=Koh|first=Harold Hongju|year=1990|title=The National Security Constitution: Sharing Power After the Iran-Contra Affair|publisher=Yale University Press|id=ISBN}}p. 52</ref><ref name=con>{{cite book|last=Fausold|first=Martin L.|coauthors=Shank, Alan |year=1991|title=The Constitution and the American Presidency|publisher=SUNY Press|id=ISBN}} pp. 186–187.</ref> According to foreign affairs analyst Jane Hunter, [[Israel]] stepped in as a [[proxy war|proxy arms supplier]] for the United States after the Clark Amendment took effect.<ref name=jhunter>{{cite book|last=Hunter|first=Jane|year=1987|title=Israeli Foreign Policy: South Africa and Central America|page=p. 16|publisher=South End Press|quote=In 1975 Israel followed Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's advice and helped South Africa with its invasion of Angola. Even after the passage the following year of the Clark Amendment forbidding U.S. covert involvement in Angola, Israel apparently considered Kissinger's nod a continuing mandate. Excerpts at [http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Global_Secrets_Lies/IsraelWeaponsManuIndus.html "Israeli Foreign Policy: Weapons Manufacturing Industry"]}}</ref><ref name=angolagate>{{cite web|author=Madsen, Wayne |year=2002|url=http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=2576|title=Report Alleges US Role in Angola Arms-for-Oil Scandal|publisher=CorpWatch|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
The U.S. government vetoed Angolan entry into the [[United Nations]] on [[June 23]], [[1976]].<ref name=unveto>Kalley (1999). p. 4.</ref> Zambia forbid UNITA from launching attacks from its territory on [[December 28]], [[1976]]<ref>{{cite web|date=1976-12-28|url=http://www.newspaperarchive.com/LandingPage.aspx?type=glpnews&search=december%201%20zambia&img=21143322|title=Zambia bans UNITA|publisher=The Gleaner|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> after Angola became a member of the United Nations.<ref name=nineteenseventysix>{{cite web|date=1977-01-17|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918577,00.html|title='Absolute Hell Over There'|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
===Vietnam===
{{Main|Vietnam War}}
The [[Vietnam War]] tempered foreign involvement in Angola's civil war as neither the Soviet Union nor the United States wanted to be drawn into an internal conflict of highly debatable importance in terms of winning the [[Cold War]]. [[CBS News]]caster [[Walter Cronkite]] spread this message in his broadcasts to "try to play our small part in preventing that mistake this time."<ref name=cronkite>{{cite web|date=1975-12-29|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,945436-2,00.html|title=The Battle Over Angola|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The [[Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|Politburo]] engaged in heated debate over the extent to which the Soviet Union would support a continued offensive by the MPLA in February 1976. Foreign Minister [[Andrei Gromyko]] and [[Premier of the Soviet Union|Premier]] [[Alexey Kosygin]] led a faction favoring less support for the MPLA and greater emphasis on preserving [[détente]] with the [[Western world|West]]. [[Leonid Brezhnev]], the then head of the Soviet Union, won out against the dissident faction and the Soviet alliance with the MPLA continued even as Neto publicly reaffirmed its policy of non-alignment at the 15th anniversary of the First Revolt.<ref name=sovfactions>{{cite web|date=1976-02-16|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918018-1,00.html|title=Angola's Three Troubled Neighbors|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
Angolan government and Cuban troops had control over all southern cities by 1977, but roads in the south faced repeated UNITA attacks. Savimbi expressed his willingness for rapprochement with the MPLA and the formation of a unity, socialist government, but he insisted on Cuban withdrawal first. "The real enemy is Cuban colonialism," Savimbi told reporters, warning, "The Cubans have taken over the country, but sooner or later they will suffer their own [[Vietnam]] in Angola." Government and Cuban troops used flame throwers, bulldozers, and planes with napalm to destroy villages in a {{convert|1.6|mi|km|sing=on}} wide area along the Angola-Namibia border. Only women and children passed through this area, "Castro Corridor," because government troops had shot all males ten years of age or older to prevent them from joining the UNITA. The napalm killed cattle to feed government troops and to retaliate against UNITA sympathizers. Angolans fled from their homeland; 10,000 going south to Namibia and 16,000 east to Zambia where they lived in refugee camps.<ref name=nineteenseventysix/> Foreign Secretary [[Lord Carrington]] of the [[United Kingdom]] expressed similar concerns over British involvement in [[Rhodesia]]'s [[Rhodesian Bush War|Bush War]] during the [[Lancaster House Agreement|Lancaster House negotiations]] in 1980.<ref name=carrington>{{cite web|date=1980-01-07|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,923868,00.html|title=Carrington on Rhodesia|publisher=TIME Magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
===Shaba invasions===
[[Image:DCongoKatanga.png|thumb|250px|right|Shaba Province, Zaire]]
{{Main|Shaba I|Shaba II}}
About 1,500 members of the [[Front for the National Liberation of the Congo]] (FNLC) invaded [[Katanga Province|Shaba]], [[Zaire]] from eastern Angola on [[March 7]], [[1977]]. The FNLC wanted to overthrow Mobutu and the Angolan government, suffering from Mobutu's support for the FNLA and UNITA, did not try to stop the invasion. The FNLC failed to capture [[Kolwezi]], Zaire's economic heartland, but took Kasaji and Mutshatsha. Zairian troops were defeated without difficulty and the FNLC continued to advance. Mobutu appealed to [[William Eteki]] of [[Cameroon]], Chairman of the [[Organization of African Unity]], for assistance on [[April 2]]. Eight days later, the French government responded to Mobutu's plea and airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops into [[Kinshasa]]. This troop force worked in conjunction with the Zairian army and the [[FNLA]]<ref name=fnlashaba>{{cite book|last=Garthoff|first=Raymond Leonard|year=1985|title=Détente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan|page=p. 624}}</ref> of Angola with air cover from [[Egypt]]ian pilots flying French [[Mirage (aircraft)|Mirage]] fighter aircraft to beat back the FNLC. The counter-invasion force pushed the last of the militants, along with refugees, into Angola and Zambia in April.<ref name=shabaone>{{cite book|last=Schraeder|first=Peter J.|year=1999|title=United States Foreign Policy Toward Africa: Incrementalism, Crisis and Change|page=pp. 87–88}}</ref><ref name=frenchshaba>{{cite book|last=Danopoulos|first=Constantine Panos|coauthors=Watson, Cynthia Ann|year=1996|title=The Political Role of the Military: An International Handbook|page=p. 451}}</ref><ref name=ancshaba>{{cite book|last=Ihonvbere|first=Julius Omozuanvbo|coauthors=Mbaku, John Mukum|year=2003|title=Political Liberalization and Democratization in Africa: Lessons from Country Experiences|page=p. 228}}</ref><ref name=oau>{{cite book|last=Tanca|first=Antonio|year=1993|title=Foreign Armed Intervention in Internal Conflict|page=p. 169}}</ref>
Mobutu accused the Angolan government, as well as the Cuban and Soviet governments, of complicity in the war.<ref name=accuse>{{cite book|last=Dunn|first=Kevin C|year=2003|title=Imagining the Congo: The International Relations of Identity|page=p. 129}}</ref> While Neto did support the FNLC, the Angolan government's support came in response to Mobutu's continued support for Angola's anti-Communists.<ref name=guilt>{{cite book|last=Mukenge|first=Tshilemalema|year=2002|title=Culture and Customs of the Congo|page=p. 31}}</ref> The [[Carter Administration]], unconvinced of Cuban involvement, responded by offering a meager $15 million-worth of non-military aid. American timidity during the war prompted a shift in [[Foreign policy of Mobutu Sese Seko|Zaire's foreign policy]] from the U.S. to France, which became Zaire's largest supplier of arms after the intervention.<ref name=profrance>{{cite book|last=Vine|first=Victor T. Le|year=2004|title=Politics in Francophone Africa|page=p. 381}}</ref> Neto and Mobutu signed a border agreement on [[July 22]], [[1977]].<ref name=borderagree>{{cite book|last=Osmâanczyk|first=Edmund Jan|coauthors=Mango, Anthony|year=2003|title=Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements|page=p. 95}}</ref>
[[John Stockwell]], the [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s station chief in Angola, resigned after the invasion, explaining in an article for ''[[The Washington Post]]'' article ''Why I'm Leaving the CIA'', published on [[April 10]], [[1977]] that he had warned Secretary of State [[Henry Kissinger]] that continued American support for anti-government rebels in Angola could provoke a war with Zaire. He also said covert Soviet involvement in Angola came after, and in response to, U.S. involvement.<ref name=stockresign>{{cite book|last=Chomsky|first=Noam|coauthors=Herman, Edward S|title=The political economy of human right|page=p. 308}}</ref>
The FNLC invaded Shaba again on [[May 11]], [[1978]], capturing Kolwezi in two days. While the Carter Administration had accepted Cuba's insistence on its non-involvement in Shaba I, and therefore did not stand with Mobutu, the U.S. government now accused Castro of complicity.<ref name=shabatwo>{{cite book|last=Mesa-Lago|first=Carmelo|coauthors=Belkin, June S|year=1982|title=Cuba in Africa|page=pp. 30–31}}</ref> This time, when Mobutu appealed for foreign assistance, the U.S. government worked with the [[France|French]] and [[Belgium|Belgian]] militaries to beat back the invasion, the first military cooperation between France and the United States since the [[Vietnam War]].<ref name=mobpeal>George. (2005). p. 136.</ref><ref name=firstfrench>{{cite book|last=Gösta|first=Carl|coauthors=Shaw, Timothy M; Anglin, Douglas George|year=1978|isbn=9171061436|title=Canada, Scandinavia, and Southern Africa|page=p. 130}}</ref> The [[French Foreign Legion]] took back Kolwezi after a seven-day battle and airlifted 2,250 European citizens to Belgium, but not before the FNLC massacred 80 Europeans and 200 Africans. In one instance the FNLC killed 34 European civilians who had hidden in a room. The FNLC retreated to Zambia, vowing to return to Angola. The Zairian army then forcibly evicted civilians along Shaba's {{convert|65|mi|km|sing=on}} long border with Angola. Mobutu, wanting to prevent any chance of another invasion, ordered his troops to shoot on sight.<ref name=kolwezibattle>{{cite web|date=1978-06-05|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,916174,00.html|title=Inside Kolwezi: Toll of Terror|publisher=TIME magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
U.S. mediated negotiations between the Angolan and Zairian governments led to [[Non-aggression pact of 1979|a peace accord in 1979]] and an end to support for insurgencies in each others' respective countries. Zaire temporarily cutoff support to [[FLEC]], the [[FNLA]], and [[UNITA]] and Angola forbid further activity by the FNLC.<ref name=mobpeal/>
===Nitistas===
Neto's [[Interior Minister]], [[Nito Alves]], had successfully put down [[Daniel Chipenda]]'s [[Eastern Revolt]] and the Active Revolt during Angola's War of Independence. Factionalism within the MPLA became a major challenge to Neto's power by late 1975 and he gave Alves the task of once again clamping down on dissent. Alves shut down the Cabral and Henda Committees while expanding his influence within the MPLA through his control of the nation's newspapers and state-run television. Alves visited the Soviet Union in October 1976. When he returned, Neto began taking steps to neutralize the threat he saw in the Nitistas, followers of Alves. Neto called a [[plenum]] meeting of the Central Committee of the MPLA. Neto formally designated the party [[Marxist-Leninist]], abolished the Interior Ministry and DOM, the official branch of the MPLA used by the Nitistas, and established a Commission of Enquiry. Neto used the commission, officially created to examine and report factionalism, to target the Nitistas, and ordered the commission to issue a report of its findings in March 1977. Alves and Chief of Staff José Van-Dunem, his political ally, began planning a [[coup d'état]] against dos Santos.<ref name=neutralize>{{cite book|last=George|first=Edward|year=2005|title=The Cuban Intervention in Angola, 1965–1991: From Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale|page=pp. 127–128}}</ref>
Alves represented the MPLA at the 25th Soviet Communist Party Congress in February 1977 and may have then obtained support for the coup from the [[Soviet Union]]. Alves and Van-Dunem planned to arrest Neto on [[May 21]] before he arrived at a meeting of the Central Committee and before the commission released its report. The MPLA changed the location of the meeting shortly before its scheduled start, throwing the plotters' plans into disarray, but Alves attended the meeting and faced the commission anyway. The commission released its report, accusing him of factionalism. Alves fought back, denouncing Neto for not aligning Angola with the Soviet Union. After twelve hours of debate, the party voted 26 to 6 to dismiss Alves and Van-Dunem from their positions.<ref name=neutralize/>
Ten armored cars with the FAPLA's 8th Brigade broke into São Paulo prison at 4 a.m. on [[May 27]], killing the prison warden and freeing more than 150 supporters, including 11 who had been arrested only a few days before. The brigade took control of the radio station in [[Luanda]] at 7 a.m. and announced their coup, calling themselves the MPLA Action Committee. The brigade asked citizens to show their support for the coup by demonstrating in front of the presidential palace. The Nitistas captured Bula and Dangereaux, generals loyal to Neto, but Neto had moved his base of operations from the palace to the Ministry of Defence in fear of such an uprising. Cuban troops retook the palace at Neto's request and marched to the radio station. After an hour of fighting, the Cubans succeeded and proceeded to the barracks of the 8th brigade, recaptured by 1:30 p.m. While the Cuban force captured the palace and radio station, the Nitistas kidnapped seven leaders within the government and the military, shooting and killing six.<ref name=purge>George (2005). pp. 129–131.</ref>
The government arrested tens of thousands of suspected Nitistas from May to November and tried them in [[secret court]]s overseen by Defense Minister [[Iko Carreira]]. Those who were found guilty, including Van-Dunem, Jacobo "Immortal Monster" Caetano, the head of the 8th Brigade, and political commissar Eduardo Evaristo, were then shot and buried in secret graves. The coup attempt had a lasting effect on Angola's foreign relations. Alves had opposed Neto's foreign policy of [[non-alignment]], [[evolutionary socialism]], and multiracialism, favoring stronger relations with the [[Soviet Union]], which he wanted to grant military bases in Angola. While [[Cuba]]n soldiers actively helped Neto put down the coup, Alves and Neto both believed the [[Soviet Union]] supported Neto's ouster. [[Raúl Castro]] sent an additional four thousand troops to prevent further dissension within the MPLA's ranks and met with Neto in August in a display of solidarity. In contrast, Neto's distrust in the Soviet leadership increased and relations with the USSR worsened.<ref name=purge/> In December, the MPLA held is first party Congress and changed its name to the MPLA-PT. The Nitista coup took a toll on the MPLA's membership. In 1975, the MPLA reached 200,000 members. After the first party congress, that number decreased to 30,000.<ref name=alves>{{cite book|last=Hodges|first=Tony|year=2004|title=Angola: Anatomy of an Oil State|page=p. 50}}</ref><ref name=alvcoup>{{cite book|last=Fauriol|first=Georges A.|coauthors= Loser, Eva|year=1990|isbn=0887383246 |title=Cuba: The International Dimension|page=p. 164}}</ref><ref name=neutralize/><ref name=alvsoviet>{{cite book|last=Domínguez|first=Jorge I.|year=1989|title=To Make a World Safe for Revolution: Cuba's Foreign Policy|page=p. 158}}</ref><ref name=poderpop>{{cite book|last=Radu|first=Michael S.|year=1990|title=The New Insurgencies: Anticommunist Guerrillas in the Third World|page=pp. 134–135}}</ref>
===Rise of dos Santos===
The Soviets, trying to increase their influence in [[Luanda]], began sending busts of [[Vladimir Lenin]], a plane full of brochures with [[Brezhnev]]'s speech at the [[25th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union|February 1976 Party Congress]], and two planes full of pamphlets denouncing [[Mao]], to Angola. They sent so many busts that they ran out in the summer of 1976 and requested more from the CPSU Propaganda Department. Despite the best efforts of the Soviet propaganda machine and persistent lobbying by [[Arseni Grigoryevich Zverev|G. A. Zverev]], the Soviet [[chargé d'affaires]], Neto stood his ground, refusing to grant the permanent military bases the Soviets so desperately wanted in Angola. Neto allies like Defense Minister Iko Carreira and MPLA General Secretary [[Lúcio Lara]] also irked the Soviet leadership through their policies and personalities. With Alves out of the picture, the Soviet Union promoted Prime Minister [[Lopo do Nascimento]], another '[[internationalist]]', against Neto, a 'careerist,' for the MPLA's leadership.<ref name=cpsu>{{cite book|last=Westad|first=Odd Arne|year=2005|title=The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times|pages=pp. 239–241}}</ref> Neto moved swiftly to crush his adversary. The MPLA-PT's Central Committee met from December 6 to 9. The Committee concluded the meeting by firing Nascimento as both Prime Minister and as Secretary of the [[Politburo]], the Director of National Television, and the Director of ''Jornal de Angola''. Commander C. R. Dilolua resigned as Second Deputy Prime Minister and a member of the Politburo.<ref name=denasc>{{cite book|last=Kalley|first=Jacqueline A.|coauthors= Schoeman, Elna|year=1999|title=Southern African Political History: A Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to Mid-1997|pages=p. 10}}</ref> Later that month the Committee abolished the positions of Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister. Paving the way for dos Santos, Neto increased the ethnic composition of the MPLA-PT's political bureau as he replaced the hardline Old Guard with new blood.<ref name=newblood>{{cite book|last=Taylor & Francis Group|year=2003|title=Africa South of the Sahara 2004|pages=pp. 41–42}}</ref> On [[July 5]], [[1979]], Neto issued a decree requiring all citizens to serve in the military for three years upon turning the age of 18. The government gave a report to the UN estimating $293 million in property damage from South African attacks between 1976 and 1979, asking for compensation on [[August 3]], [[1979]]. The [[Popular Movement for the Liberation of Cabinda]], a Cabindan separatist rebel group, attacked a Cuban base near Tshiowa on [[August 11]].<ref name=seventies>Kalley (1999). p. 12.</ref>
President Neto died from inoperable cancer in [[Moscow]] on [[September 10]], [[1979]]. Lara and Pascual Luvualo flew to Moscow and the MPLA declared 45 days of mourning. The government held his funeral at the Palace of the People on [[September 17]]. Many foreign dignitaries, including Organization of African Unity President [[William R. Tolbert, Jr.]] of [[Liberia]], attended. The Central Committee of the MPLA unanimously voted in favor of [[José Eduardo dos Santos]] as President. He was sworn in on [[September 21]]. Under dos Santos' leadership, Angolan troops crossed the border into [[Namibia]] for the first time on [[October 31]], going into [[Kavango]]. The next day, the governments of [[Angola]], [[Zambia]], and [[Zaire]] signed a [[non-aggression pact]].<ref name=seventies/>
==1980s==
{{Main|1980s in Angola}}
[[Image:SA Border War Map.png|thumb|250px|right|SWAPO's and South Africa's operations (1978–1980)]]
In the 1980s, fighting spread outward from southeastern Angola, where most of the fighting had taken place in the 1970s, as the National Congolese Army (ANC) and [[SWAPO]] increased their activity. The South African government responded by sending troops back into Angola, intervening in the war from 1981 to 1987,<ref name=safricainvasion/> prompting the [[Soviet Union]] to deliver massive amounts of military aid from 1981 to 1986. The USSR gave the Angolan government more than US$2 billion in aid in 1984.<ref name=ruaid>{{cite book|last=Zemtsov|first=Ilya|coauthors=Farrar, John |year=1989|title=Gorbachev: The Man and the System|pages=p. 309}}</ref> In 1981, newly elected [[United States President]] [[Ronald Reagan]]'s U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, [[Chester Crocker]], developed a [[Linkage (policy)|linkage policy]], tying [[Namibia]]n independence to Cuban withdrawal and peace in Angola.<ref name=linkage>{{cite book|last=Tvedten|first=Inge|year=1997|title=Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction|page=pp. 38–39}}</ref><ref name=crocker>{{cite web|author= Hashimoto, John|year=1999|url=http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/guides/debate/chats/crocker/|title=Cold War Chat: Chester Crocker, Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs|publisher=CNN|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
The South African military attacked insurgents in Cunene Province on [[May 12]], [[1980]]. The Angolan Ministry of Defense accused the South African government of wounding and killing civilians. Nine days later, the SADF attacked again, this time in Cuando-Cubango, and the MPLA threatened to respond militarily. The SADF launched a full-scale invasion of Angola through Cunene and Cuando-Cubango on [[June 7]], destroying SWAPO's operational command headquarters on [[June 13]], in what Prime Minister [[Pieter Willem Botha|Botha]] described as a "shock attack". The Angolan government arrested 120 Angolans who were planning to set off explosives in Luanda, on [[June 24]], foiling a plot purportedly orchestrated by the South African government. Three days later, the [[United Nations Security Council]] convened at the behest of Angola's ambassador to the UN, E. de Figuerido, and condemned South Africa's incursions into Angola. President Mobutu of Zaire also sided with the MPLA. The Angolan government recorded 529 instances in which South African forces violated Angola's territorial sovereignty between January and June 1980.<ref name=terrsov>{{cite book|last=Kalley|first=Jacqueline Audrey|year=1999|title=Southern African Political History: a chronological of key political events from independence to Mid-1997|page=pp. 13–14}}</ref>
Cuba increased its troop force in Angola from 35,000 in 1982 to 40,000 in 1985. South African forces tried to capture [[Lubango]], capital of [[Huíla province]], in [[Operation Askari]] in December 1983.<ref name=linkage/>
On [[June 2]], [[1985]], American conservative activists held the [[Democratic International]], a symbolic meeting of anti-Communist militants, at [[UNITA]]'s headquarters in [[Jamba, Cuando Cubango|Jamba]].<ref name=demint>{{cite book|last=Franklin|first=Jane|year=1997|title=Cuba and the United States: A Chronological History|page=p. 212}}</ref> Primarily funded by [[Rite Aid]] founder [[Lewis Lehrman]] and organized by anti-Communist activists [[Jack Abramoff]] and Jack Wheeler, participants included Savimbi, [[Adolfo Calero]], leader of the [[Nicaragua]]n [[Contras]], [[Pa Kao Her]], [[Hmong]] [[Laotian]] rebel leader, U.S. [[Lieutenant Colonel]] [[Oliver North]], [[South Africa]]n security forces, [[Abdurrahim Wardak]], [[Afghanistan|Afghan]] [[Mujahideen]] leader, Jack Wheeler, American conservative policy advocate, and many others.<ref name=crusade>{{cite book|last=Easton|first=Nina J.|year=2000|title=Gang of Five: Leaders at the Center of the Conservative Crusade|page=pp. 165–167}}</ref> While the [[Reagan administration]], although unwilling to publicly support the meeting, privately expressed approval. The governments of [[Israel]] and [[South Africa]] supported the idea, but both respective countries were deemed inadvisable for hosting the conference.<ref name=crusade/>
The participants released a communiqué stating,
:"We, free peoples fighting for our national independence and human rights, assembled at Jamba, declare our solidarity with all freedom movements in the world and state our commitment to cooperate to liberate our nations from the Soviet Imperialists."
The [[United States House of Representatives]] voted 236 to 185 to repeal the Clark Amendment on [[July 11]], [[1985]].<ref name=clarkrepeal>{{cite web|author=Fuerbringer, Jonathan |date=2008-07-11|url=http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F50816F93C5C0C728DDDAE0894DD484D81&n=Top%2fNews%2fWorld%2fCountries%20and%20Territories%2fAngola|title=House acts to allow Angola rebel aid|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The Angolan government began attacking UNITA later that month from Luena towards Cazombo along the Benguela Railway, taking Cazombo on [[September 18]]. The government tried unsuccessfully to take UNITA's supply depot in [[Mavinga, Cuando Cubango|Mavinga]] from [[[Menongue]]. While the attack failed, very different interpretations of the attack emerged. UNITA claimed Portuguese-speaking Soviet officers led government troops while the government said UNITA relied on South African paratroopers to defeat the government. The South African government admitted to fighting in the area, but said its troops fought [[SWAPO]] militants.<ref name=eightyfive>{{cite book|last=Zolberg|first=Aristide R.|Astri Suhrke and Sergio Aguayo|year=1989|title=Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World|page=p. 312}}</ref>
===A war intensifies===
[[Image:Namibia mapaII.png|thumb|250px|right|SWAPO's and South Africa's operations (1981–1984)]]
By 1986, Angola began to assume a more central role in the Cold War, with both the Soviet Union, Cuba and other East bloc nations enhancing support for the MPLA government, and American conservatives beginning to elevate their support for Savimbi's UNITA. Savimbi developed close relations with influential American conservatives, who saw Savimbi as a key ally in the U.S. effort to oppose and rollback Soviet-backed, non-democratic governments around the world. The conflict quickly escalated, with both [[Washington, D.C.|Washington]] and [[Moscow]] seeing it as a critical strategic conflict in the Cold War.
The Soviet Union gave an additional $1 billion in aid to the Angolan government and Cuba sent an additional 2,000 troops to the 35,000-strong force in Angola to protect [[Chevron Corporation|Chevron]] oil platforms in 1986.<ref name=eightyfive/> Savimbi had called Chevron's presence in Angola, already protected by Cuban troops, a "target" for UNITA in an interview with ''[[Foreign Policy magazine]]'' on [[January 31]].<ref name=chevtarget>Franklin (1997). p. 219.</ref>
In Washington, Savimbi forged close relationships with influential conservatives, including [[Michael Johns (executive)|Michael Johns]] (the [[Heritage Foundation]]'s foreign policy analyst and a key Savimbi advocate), [[Grover Norquist]] (President of [[Americans for Tax Reform]] and a Savimbi economic advisor), and others, who played critical roles in elevating escalated U.S. covert aide to Savimbi's UNITA and visited with Savimbi in his [[Jamba, Angola]] headquarters to provide the Angolan rebel leader with military, political and other guidance in his war against the Angolan government. With enhanced U.S. support, the war quickly escalated, both in terms of the intensity of the conflict and also in its perception as a key conflict in the overall Cold War.<ref>{{cite web|author=Brooke, James |date=1987-02-01|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9B0DE5D8133DF932A35751C0A961948260&scp=1&sq=C.I.A.+Said+to+Send+Weapons+Via+Zaire+to+Angola+Rebels&st=nyt|title=C.I.A. Said to Send Weapons Via Zaire to Angola Rebels|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2008-02-12}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|author=Molotsky, Irvin; Weaver Jr, Warren |date=1986-02-06|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9A0DEEDE1338F935A35751C0A960948260|title=A Mending of Fences|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
In addition to escalating its military support for UNITA, the Reagan administration and its conservative allies also worked to expand recognition of Savimbi as a key U.S. ally in an important Cold War struggle. In January 1986, Reagan invited Savimbi to meet with him at the [[White House]]. Following the meeting, Reagan spoke of UNITA winning a victory that "electrifies the world" at the [[White House]] in January 1986. Two months later, Reagan announced the delivery of [[FIM-92 Stinger|Stinger surface-to-air missiles]] as part of the $25 million in aid UNITA received from the U.S. government.<ref name=electrifies>{{cite web|author=Simpson, Chris |date=2002-02-25|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/264094.stm|title=Obituary: Jonas Savimbi, Unita's local boy|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref><ref name=linkage/> [[Jeremias Chitunda]], UNITA's representative to the U.S., became the Vice President of UNITA in August 1986 at the sixth party congress.<ref name=chitpromo>{{cite book|last=Martin|first=James W.|year=2004|title=Historical Dictionary of Angola|page=p. 33}}</ref> [[Fidel Castro]] made Crocker's proposal, the withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and [[Namibia]], a prerequisite to Cuban withdrawal from Angola on [[September 10]].
UNITA forces attacked Camabatela in [[Cuanza Norte]] province on [[February 8]], [[1987]]. ANGOP alleged UNITA massacred civilians in Damba in [[Uíge (province)|Uíge Province]] later that month, on [[February 26]]. The South African government agreed to Crocker's terms in principle on [[March 8]]. Savimbi proposed a truce regarding the [[Benguela railway]] on [[March 26]], saying MPLA trains could pass through as long as an international inspection group monitored trains to prevent their use for counter-insurgency activity. The government did not respond. In April 1987 [[Fidel Castro]] sent Cuba's Fiftieth Brigade to southern Angola, increasing the number of Cuban troops from 12,000 to 15,000.<ref name=fidthou>{{cite book|last=Kahn|first=Owen Ellison|year=1991|title=Disengagement from Southwest Africa: The Prospects for Peace in Angola and Namibia|pages=p. 213}}</ref> The Angolan and American governments began negotiating in June 1987.<ref name=eighties>Kalley (1999). p. 36.</ref><ref name=timeline>{{cite book|last=Alao|first=Abiodun|year=1994|title=Brothers at War: Dissidence and Rebellion in Southern Africa|page=pp. XIX–XXI}}</ref>
===Cuito Cuanavale and New York City===
{{Main|Battle of Cuito Cuanavale|New York Accords}}
[[Image:Angola Provinces Cuando Cubango 250px.png|right|thumb|Cuando Cubango province]]
UNITA and South African forces attacked the MPLA's base at [[Cuito Cuanavale]] in [[Cuando Cubango]] province from [[January 13]] to [[March 23]], [[1988]], in the second largest battle in the [[history of Africa]],<ref name=sechist>George (2005). p. 1.</ref> after the [[Second Battle of El Alamein|Battle of El Alamein]],<ref name=alamein>{{cite book|last=Mendelsohn|first=John|coauthors=El Obeid, Selma |year=2004|title=Okavango River: The Flow of a Lifeline|page=p. 56}}</ref> the largest in sub-Saharan Africa since [[World War II]].<ref name=sinceworldwar>Alao (1994). pp. 33–34.</ref> Cuito Cuanavale's importance came not from its size or its wealth but its location. South African Defense Forces maintained an overwatch on the city using new, [[G5 howitzer| G5]] artillery pieces. Both sides claimed victory in the ensuing Battle of Cuito Cuanavale.<ref>{{cite book|last=Steenkamp|first=W.|year=1989|title=South Africa's border war, |publisher=Gibraltar: Ashanti Pub.|ISBN }}</ref><ref>{{cite book|last=Stiff|first=P.|year=2000|title=The Covert War: Koevoet Operations in Namibia |publisher=Galago Publishing Pty Ltd|ISBN=}}</ref><ref name=cuitodate>{{cite book|last=Kahn|first=Owen Ellison|year=1991|title=Disengagement from Southwest Africa: The Prospects for Peace in Angola and Namibia|publisher=University of Miami Institute for Soviet and East|page=p. 79}}</ref><ref name=linkage/> The statistics however, show the true result. Communist forces lost an estimated 7000-10000 men. While the SADF lost only 31 men in the whole six-months-long operation. Together with that, the South African Army captured or destroyed enemy equipment to the value of of $1million US. The captured equipment was then given to UNITA for use later.<ref>Magnus Malan: My Life With The SA Defence Force</ref>
The Cuban government joined negotiations on [[January 28]], [[1988]], and all three parties held a round of negotiations on [[March 9]]. The South African government joined negotiations on [[May 3]] and the parties met in June and August in [[New York]] and [[Geneva]]. All parties agreed to a ceasefire on [[August 8]]. Representatives from the governments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the New York Accords, granting independence to [[Namibia]] and ending the direct involvement of foreign troops in the civil war, in [[New York City]] on [[December 22]], [[1988]].<ref name=timeline/><ref name=linkage>{{cite book|last=Tvedten|first=Inge|year=1997|title=Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction|page=pp. 38–40}}</ref> The [[United Nations Security Council]] passed Resolution 626 later that day, creating the [[United Nations Angola Verification Mission]], a UN peacekeeping force. UNAVEM troops began arriving in Angola in January 1989.<ref name=foreignwithdraw>{{cite book|last=Wellens|first=Karel C.|year=1990|title=Resolutions and Statements of the United Nations Security Council (1946–1989): A Thematic Guide|page=pp. 235–236}}</ref>
Despite ongoing negotiations for a peace settlement, Castro was determined to end Cuba's intervention in Angola with his forces on the offensive.<ref name="Kahn">{{cite book|title=Disengagement From Southwest Africa: Prospects For Peace In Angola And Namibia|author=Owen Ellison Kahn|url=http://books.google.com.au/books?id=HlHH5j0x8_sC|date=1991|publisher=Transaction Publishers|isbn=0887383610}}</ref> In June 1998, he therefore committed his "personal" 50th division to the conflict to attack the strategically important [[Calueque]] Dam. On [[June 27]] [[1988]], Cuban [[Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-23|MIGs]] and a ground force of 600 infantry and 35 [[tank]]s attacked SADF positions near the [[Calueque]] dam, 11km north of the Namibian border.<ref name="Kahn"/> The CIA reported that “Cuba’s successful use of air power and the apparent weakness of Pretoria’s air defences” highlighted the fact that Havana had achieved air superiority in southern Angola and northern Namibia. Only a few hours after the Cuban’s air strike, the SADF destroyed a nearby bridge over the Cunene River. They did so, the CIA surmised, “to deny Cuban and Angolan ground forces easy passage to the Namibia border and to reduce the number of positions they must defend.”<ref>Gleijeses, Piero: Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959-1976 (The University of North Carolina Press) quoting: CIA, “South Africa-Angola-Cuba”, June 29, 1988, Freedom of Information Act and CIA, “South Africa-Angola-Namibia”, July 1, 1988, Freedom of Information Act</ref>
===Ceasefire===
{{Main|Gbadolite}}
As the Angolan Civil War began to take on a diplomatic component, in addition to a military one, two key Savimbi allies, [[The Conservative Caucus]]' [[Howard Phillips]] and the Heritage Foundation's Michael Johns visited Savimbi in Angola, where they sought to persuade Savimbi to come to the United States in the spring of 1989 to help the Conservative Caucus, the Heritage Foundation and other conservatives in making the case for continued U.S. aid to UNITA.<ref name=tcc>{{cite book|last=Bellant|first=Russ|year=1991|title=The Coors Connection: How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism|page=pp. 53–54}}</ref>
President Mobutu invited 18 African leaders, Savimbi, and dos Santos to his palace in [[Gbadolite]] in June 1989 for negotiations. Savimbi and dos Santos met for the first time and agreed to the Gbadolite Declaration, a ceasefire, on [[June 22]], paving the way for a future peace agreement.<ref name=mobmeeting>{{cite book|last=Walker|first=John Frederick|year=2004|title=A Certain Curve of Horn: The Hundred-Year Quest for the Giant Sable Antelope of Angola|page=p. 190}}</ref><ref name=gbad>{{cite news|author=Claiborne, William |date=1989-06-25|title=Angola Pact's Unanswered Question: Savimbi|publisher=The Washington Post}}</ref> President [[Kenneth Kaunda]] of [[Zambia]] said a few days after the declaration that Savimbi had agreed to leave Angola and go into exile, a claim Mobutu, Savimbi, and the U.S. government disputed.<ref name=gbad/> Dos Santos agreed with Kaunda's interpretation of the negotiations, saying Savimbi had agreed to temporarily leave the country.<ref name=templeave>{{cite news|author=Claiborne, William |date=1989-08-28|title=Savimbi Says Rebels Will Honor Truce|publisher=The Washington Post}}</ref>
On [[August 23]], dos Santos complained that the U.S. and South African governments continued to fund UNITA, warning such activity endangered the already fragile ceasefire. The next day Savimbi announced UNITA would no longer abide by the ceasefire, citing Kaunda's insistence that Savimbi leave the country and UNITA disband. The government responded to Savimbi's statement by moving troops from Cuito Cuanavale, under government control, to UNITA-occupied Mavinga. The ceasefire broke down with dos Santos and the U.S. government blaming each other for the resumption in armed conflict.<ref name=breakdown>Kalley (1999). p. 46.</ref>
==1990s==
{{Main|Angolagate|United Nations Angola Verification Mission II|First Congo War}}
Political changes abroad and military victories at home allowed the government to transition from a nominally communist state to a nominally democratic one. [[Namibia]]'s declaration of independence, internationally recognized on [[April 1]], eliminated the southwestern front of combat as South African forces withdrew to the east.<ref name=namindep>{{cite book|last=Chapman|first=Graham|coauthors=Baker, Kathleen M |year=2003|title=The Changing Geography of Africa and the Middle East|page=p. 21}}</ref> The MPLA abolished the [[one-party system]] in June and rejected [[Marxist-Leninism]] at the MPLA's third Congress in December, formally changing the party's name from the MPLA-PT to the MPLA.<ref name=mobmeeting/> The [[National Assembly of Angola|National Assembly]] passed law 12/91 in May 1991, coinciding with the withdrawal of the last Cuban troops, defining Angola as a "democratic state based on the [[rule of law]]" with a [[multi-party system]].<ref name=ninety>{{cite book|last=Hodges|first=Tony|year=2001|title=Angola|page=p. 11}}</ref> Observers met such changes with skepticism. American journalist Karl Maier wrote, "In the New Angola ideology is being replaced by the bottom line, as security and selling expertise in weaponry have become a very profitable business. With its wealth in oil and diamonds, Angola is like a big swollen carcass and the vultures are swirling overhead. Savimbi's former allies are switching sides, lured by the aroma of hard currency."<ref name=skullskin>{{cite book|last=Huband|first=Mark|year=2001|title=The Skull Beneath the Skin: Africa After the Cold War|pages=p. 46}}</ref>
===Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly===
{{Main|Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly}}
Government troops wounded Savimbi in battles in January and February 1990, but not enough to restrict his mobility<ref name=savwound>Alao (1994). p. XX.</ref> He went to [[Washington, D.C.]] in December and met with President [[George H. W. Bush]] again,<ref name=mobmeeting/> the fourth of five trips he made to the United States. Savimbi paid Black, Manafort, Stone, and Kelly, a lobbying firm based in Washington, D.C., $5 million to lobby the [[Federal government of the United States|Federal government]] for aid, portray UNITA favorably in Western media, and acquire support among [[politicos]] in D.C. Savimbi reaped huge rewards.<ref name=bmsk>{{cite web|author=Burkholder, Steve |date=Spring 1993|url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1554/is_n1_v19/ai_13571831|title=On the town with Jonas Savimbi - huge U.S. lobbying expenditures by Angola|publisher=Common Cause Magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
Senators [[Larry Smith (disambiguation)|Larry Smith]] and [[Dante Fascell]], a senior member of the firm, worked with the [[Cuban American National Foundation]], Representative [[Claude Pepper]] of [[Florida]], [[Neal Blair]]'s [[Free the Eagle]], and [[Howard Phillips]] [[The Conservative Caucus]] to repeal the [[Clark Amendment]] in 1985.<ref name=bacardi>{{cite book|last=Calvo Ospina|first=Hernando|year=2002|title=Bacardi: The Hidden War|pages=p. 46}}</ref> From the amendment's repeal in 1985 to 1992 the U.S. government gave Savimbi $60 million per year, a total of $300 million. A sizable amount of the aid went to Savimbi's personal expenses. Black, Manafort filed foreign lobbying records with the [[U.S. Justice Department]] showing Savimbi's expenses during his U.S. visits. During his December 1990 visit he spent $136,424 at the [[Park Hyatt]] hotel and $2,705 in tips. He spent almost $473,000 in October 1991 during his week-long visit to Washington and [[Manhattan]]. He spent $98,022 in hotel bills, at the Park Hyatt, $26,709 in limousine rides in Washington and another $5,293 in Manhattan. Paul Manafort, a partner in the firm, charged Savimbi $19,300 in consulting and additional $1,712 in expenses. He also bought $1,143 worth of "survival kits" from [[Motorola]]. When questioned in an interview in 1990 about human rights abuses under Savimbi, Black said, "Now when you're in a war, trying to manage a war, when the enemy... is no more than a couple of hours away from you at any given time, you might not run your territory according to [[New Hampshire]] town meeting rules."<ref name=bmsk/>
===Bicesse Accords===
{{Main|Bicesse Accords}}
President dos Santos met with Savimbi in [[Lisbon, Portugal]] and signed the Bicesse Accords, the first of three major peace agreements, on [[May 31]], [[1991]], with the mediation of the [[Portugal|Portuguese government]]. The accords laid out a transition to multi-party [[democracy]] under the supervision of the [[United Nations]]' [[UNAVEM II]] mission with a presidential election in a year. The agreement attempted to demobilize the 152,000 active fighters and integrate the remaining government troops and UNITA rebels into a 50,000-strong [[Angolan Armed Forces]] (FAA). The FAA would consist of a national army with 40,000 troops, navy with 6,000, and air force with 4,000.<ref name=terms>{{cite book|last=Wright|first=George|year=1997|title=The Destruction of a Nation: United States' Policy Towards Angola Since 1945|page=p. 159}}</ref> While UNITA largely did not disarm, the FAA complied with the accord and demobilized, leaving the government disadvantaged.<ref name=allprezmen>{{cite web|date=2002-03-01|url=http://www.globalwitness.org/media_library_detail.php/85/en/all_the_presidents_men|title=All the President's Men|publisher=Global Witness|accessdate=2008-02-10|page=pp. 11–12}}</ref>
Angola held the first round of its [[Angolan presidential election, 1992|1992 presidential election]] on September 29–30. Dos Santos officially received 49.57% of the vote and Savimbi won 40.6%. As no candidate received 50% or more of the vote, election law dictated a second round of voting between the top two contenders. Savimbi, along with many other election observers, said the election had been neither free nor fair, but he sent [[Jeremias Chitunda]], Vice President of UNITA, to Luanda to negotiate the terms of the second round.<ref name=electionrej>Rothchild (1997). p. 134.</ref><ref name=hermancohen>{{cite web|author=Lucier, James P |date=2002-04-29|url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1571/is_15_18/ai_84971467|title=Chevron oil and the Savimbi problem|publisher=Insight on the News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The election process broke down on [[October 31]], when government troops in Luanda attacked UNITA. Civilians, using guns they had received from police a few days earlier, conducted house-by-house raids with the Rapid Intervention Police, killing and detaining hundreds of UNITA supporters. The government took civilians in trucks to the Camama cemetery and Morro da Luz ravine, shot them, and buried them in [[mass grave]]s. Assailants attacked Chitunda's convoy on [[November 2]], pulling him out of his car and shooting him and two others in their faces.<ref name=hermancohen/>
Then, in a series of stunning victories, UNITA regained control over [[Caxito]], [[Huambo]], [[M'banza Kongo]], [[Ndalatando]], and [[Uíge]], provincial capitals it had not held since 1976, and moved against Kuito, Luena, and Malange. Although the U.S. and South African governments had stopped aiding UNITA, supplies continued to come from Mobutu in Zaire.<ref name=resolutions>Hodges (2004). pp. 15–16.</ref> UNITA tried to wrest control of Cabinda from the MPLA in January 1993. Edward DeJarnette, Head of the U.S. Liaison Office in Angola for the [[Clinton Administration]], warned Savimbi that, if UNITA hindered or halted Cabinda's production, the U.S. would end its support for UNITA. On [[January 9]], UNITA began a 55-day long battle over Huambo, the [[War of the Cities]]. Hundreds of thousands fled and 10,000 were killed before UNITA gained control on [[March 7]]. The government engaged in an [[ethnic cleansing]] of [[Bakongo]], and, to a lesser extent [[Ovimbundu]], in multiple cities, most notably Luanda, on [[January 22]] in the [[Bloody Friday]] massacre. UNITA and government representatives met five days later in [[Ethiopia]], but negotiations failed to restore the peace.<ref name=letters>{{cite book|last=Kukkuk|first=Leon|year=2004|title=Letters to Gabriella: Angola's Last War for Peace, What the Un Did And Why|page=p. 462}}</ref> The [[United Nations Security Council]] sanctioned UNITA through [[List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 801 to 900|Resolution 864]] on [[September 15]], [[1993]], prohibiting the sale of weapons or fuel to UNITA. Perhaps the clearest shift in [[U.S. foreign policy]] emerged when President Clinton issued [[Executive order (United States)|Executive Order]] 12865 on [[September 23]], labeling UNITA a "continuing threat to the foreign policy objectives of the U.S.".<ref name=clinshift>{{cite book|last=Roberts|first=Janine|year=2003|title=Glitter & Greed: The Secret World of the Diamond Empire|pages=pp. 223–224}}</ref> By August 1993, UNITA had gained control over 70% of Angola, but the government's military successes in 1994 forced UNITA to sue for peace. By November 1994, the government had taken control of 60% of the country. Savimbi called the situation UNITA's "deepest crisis" since its creation.<ref name=skullskin/><ref name=lusone>{{cite book|last=Vines|first=Alex|year=1999|title=Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall of the Lusaka Peace Process|publisher=Human Rights Watch}}</ref><ref name=lustwo>Rothchild (1997). pp. 137–138.</ref>
===Lusaka Protocol===
{{Main|Lusaka Protocol}}
Savimbi, unwilling to personally sign an accord, had former UNITA Secretary General [[Eugenio Manuvakola]] represent UNITA in his place. Manuvakola and Angolan Foreign Minister Venancio de Moura signed the [[Lusaka Protocol]] in [[Lusaka]], [[Zambia]] on [[October 31]], [[1994]], agreeing to integrate and disarm [[UNITA]]. Both sides signed a ceasefire as part of the protocol on [[November 20]].<ref name=lusone/><ref name=lustwo/> Under the agreement the government and UNITA would ceasefire and demobilize. 5,500 UNITA members, including 180 militants, would join the Angolan National police, 1,200 UNITA members, including 40 militants, would join the rapid reaction police force, and UNITA generals would become [[Officer (armed forces)|officers]] in the [[Angolan Armed Forces]]. Foreign mercenaries would return to their home countries and all parties would stop acquiring foreign arms. The agreement gave UNITA politicians homes and a headquarters. The government agree to appoint UNITA members to head the Mines, Commerce, Health, and Tourism ministries, in addition to seven deputy ministers, ambassadors, the governorships of Uige, Lunda Sul, and Cuando Cubango, deputy governors, municipal administrators, deputy administrators, and commune administrators. The government would release all prisoners and give amnesty to all militants involved in the civil war.<ref name=lusone/><ref name=lustwo/> [[Zimbabwean President]] [[Robert Mugabe]] and [[South African President]] [[Nelson Mandela]] met in Lusaka on [[November 15]], [[1994]] to boost support symbolically for the protocol. Mugabe and Mandela both said they would be willing to meet with Savimbi and Mandela asked him to come to South Africa, but Savimbi did not come. The agreement created a joint commission, consisting of officials from the Angolan government, UNITA, and the UN with the governments of [[Portugal]], the United States, and Russia observing, to oversee its implementation. Violations of the protocol's provisions would be discussed and reviewed by the commission.<ref name=lusone/> The protocol's provisions, integrating UNITA into the military, a ceasefire, and a coalition government, were similar to those of the [[Alvor Agreement]] that granted Angola independence from Portugal in 1975. Many of the same environmental problems, mutual distrust between UNITA and the [[MPLA]], loose international oversight, the importation of foreign arms, and an overemphasis on maintaining the [[balance of power]], led to the collapse of the protocol.<ref name=lustwo/>
===Arms monitoring===
In January 1995, United States President [[Bill Clinton]] sent Paul Hare, his envoy to Angola, to support the Lusaka Protocol and impress the importance of the ceasefire onto the Angolan government and UNITA, both in need of outside assistance.<ref name=dropoff>{{cite web|year=1999|url=http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-12.htm|title=Angola Unravels, XII. International Response|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The [[United Nations]] agreed to send a peacekeeping force on [[February 8]].<ref name=safricainvasion/> Savimbi met with [[South African President]] [[Nelson Mandela]] in May. Shortly after, on [[June 18]], the MPLA offered Savimbi the position of Vice President under dos Santos with another Vice President chosen from the MPLA. Savimbi told Mandela he felt ready to "serve in any capacity which will aid my nation," but he did not accept the proposal until [[August 12]].<ref name=theoffer>{{cite web|date=1995-06-18|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CE1DB113AF93BA25755C0A963958260&scp=1&sq=Angolans+Offer+Rebel+Leader+a+Top+Post&st=nyt|title= Angolans Offer Rebel Leader a Top Post|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref><ref name=vpagreed>{{cite web|date=1995-08-12|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=990CEFD81230F931A2575BC0A963958260&scp=1&sq=Angola+Rebel+to+Join+Foes&st=nyt|title=Angola Rebel to Join Foes|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The [[United States Department of Defense]] and [[Central Intelligence Agency]]'s Angola operations and analysis expanded in an effort to halt weapons shipments,<ref name=dropoff/> a violation of the protocol, with limited success. The Angolan government bought six [[Mil Mi-17]] from [[Ukraine]] in 1995.<ref name=foreignequipment>Vines (1999). pp. 103–104.</ref> The government bought L-39 attack aircraft from the [[Czech Republic]] in 1998 along with ammunition and uniforms from Zimbabwe Defence Industries and ammunition and weapons from [[Ukraine]] in 1998 and 1999.<ref name=foreignequipment/> U.S. monitoring significantly dropped off in 1997 as events in Zaire, the Congo and then Liberia occupied more of the U.S. government's attention.<ref name=dropoff/> UNITA purchased more than 20 [[FROG-7]] scuds and three FOX 7 missiles from the North Korean government in 1999.<ref name=frogs>Vines (1999). p. 106.</ref>
The UN extended its mandate on [[February 8]], [[1996]]. In March, Savimbi and dos Santos formally agreed to form a coalition government.<ref name=safricainvasion/> The government deported 2,000 West African and Lebanese Angolans in Operation Cancer Two, in August 1996, on the grounds that dangerous minorities were responsible for the rising crime rate.<ref name=cancer>{{cite web|year=1999|url=http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/angola/Angl998-05.htm|title=V. Undermining the Lusaka Peace Process|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> In 1996 the Angolan government bought military equipment from [[India]], two [[Mil Mi-24]] attack helicopters and three [[Sukhoi Su-17]] from [[Kazakhstan]] in December, and helicopters from [[Slovakia]] in March.<ref name=foreignequipment/>
The international community helped install a Government of Unity and National Reconciliation in April 1997, but UNITA did not allow the regional MPLA government to take up residence in 60 cities. The [[UN Security Council]] voted on [[August 28]], [[1997]] to impose sanctions on UNITA through Resolution 1127, prohibiting UNITA leaders from traveling abroad, closing UNITA's embassies abroad, and making UNITA-controlled areas a [[no-fly zone]]. The Security Council expanded the sanctions through [[United Nations Security Council Resolution 1173|Resolution 1173]] on [[June 12]], [[1998]], requiring government certification for the purchase of Angolan diamonds and freezing UNITA's bank accounts.<ref name=resolutions/>
The UN spent $1.6 billion from 1994 to 1998 in maintaining a peacekeeping force.<ref name=safricainvasion/> The Angolan military attacked UNITA forces in the Central Highlands on [[December 4]], [[1998]], the day before the MPLA's fourth Congress. Dos Santos told the delegates the next day that he believed war to be the only way to ultimately achieve peace, rejected the Lusaka Protocol, and asked MONUA to leave. In February 1999, the Security Council withdrew the last MONUA personnel. In late 1998, several UNITA commanders, dissatisfied with Savimbi's leadership, formed [[UNITA Renovada]], a breakaway militant group. Thousands more deserted UNITA in 1999 and 2000.<ref name=resolutions/>
The Angolan military launched [[Operation Restore]], a massive offensive, in September 1999, recapturing N'harea, Mungo and Andulo and Bailundo, the site of Savimbi's headquarters just one year before. The UN Security Council passed [[List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1201 to 1300|Resolution 1268]] on [[October 15]], instructing [[United Nations Secretary General]] [[Kofi Annan]] to update the Security Council to the situation in Angola every three months. Dos Santos offered an amnesty to UNITA militants on [[November 11]]. By December, Chief of Staff General João de Matos said the [[Angolan Armed Forces]] had destroyed 80% of UNITA's militant wing and captured 15,000 tons of military equipment.<ref name=success>Martin (2004). p. 141.</ref><ref name=resolutions/><ref name=unreportone>{{cite web|date=2000-01-14|url=http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/news/2000/01/unrep011400.htm|title=Report of the Secretary General on the United Nations Observer Office in Angola (UNOA)|publisher=United Nations Observer Office in Angola via Global Security|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> Following the dissolution of the coalition government, Savimbi retreated to his historical base in Moxico and prepared for battle.<ref name=retreatorg>{{cite book|last=Zacek|first=Jane Shapiro|coauthors=Kim, Ilpyong J|year=1997|title=The Legacy of the Soviet Bloc|page=p. 254}}</ref>
===Diamonds===
{{Main|Economy of Angola|Blood diamonds#Angola}}
UNITA's success in mining diamonds and selling them abroad at an inflated price allowed the war to continue even as the movement's support in the [[Western world]] and among the local populace withered away. [[De Beers]] and [[Endiama]], a state-owned [[diamond]]-mining [[monopoly]], signed a contract allowing De Beers to handle Angola's diamond exportation in 1990.<ref name=beersuspen>{{cite web|date=2001-05-31|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/1362046.stm|title=Angola 'regrets' De Beers pullout|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> According to the United Nation's ''Fowler Report'', Joe De Deker, a former stockholder in De Beers, worked with the government of [[Zaire]] to supply military equipment to UNITA from 1993 to 1997. De Deker's brother, Ronnie, allegedly flew from [[South Africa]] to Angola, directing weapons originating in [[Eastern Europe]]. In return, UNITA gave Ronnie bushels of diamonds worth $6 million. De Deker sent the diamonds to De Beer's buying office in [[Antwerp]], [[Belgium]]. De Beers openly acknowledges spending $500 million on legal and illegal Angolan diamonds in 1992 alone. The [[United Nations]] estimates Angolans made between three and four billion dollars through the diamond trade between 1992 and 1998.<ref name=clinshift/><ref name=open>{{cite book|last=Arms Project|year=1994|title=Angola: Arms Trade and Violations of the Laws of War Since the 1992 Elections: Sumário Em Portugués|publisher=Human Rights Watch|page=p. 3}}</ref> The UN also estimates that out of that sum, UNITA made at least $3.72 billion, or 93% of all diamond sales, despite international sanctions.<ref name=money>{{cite book|last=Arnold|first=Guy|year=2000|title=The New South Africa|pages=p. 131}}</ref>
[[Executive Outcomes]] (EO), a [[private military company]]. EO played a major role in turning the tide for the MPLA with one U.S. defense expert calling the EO the "best fifty or sixty million dollars the Angolan government ever spent". Heritage Oil and Gas, and allegedly De Beers, hired EO to protect their operations in Angola.<ref name=eotide>{{cite book|last=Gberie|first=Lansana|year=2005|title=A Dirty War in West Africa: The RUF and the Destruction of Sierra Leone|page=p. 93}}</ref> Executive Outcomes trained 4,000 to 5,000 troops and 30 pilots in combat in camps in Lunda Sul, Cabo Ledo, and Dondo.<ref name=eo>{{cite book|last=Arms Project|year=1994|title=Arms Project; Angola: Arms Trade and Violations of the Laws of War Since the 1992 Elections: Sumário Em Portugués|publisher=Human Rights Watch|page=p. 31}}</ref>
===Cabinda separatism===
Cabindan rebels kidnapped and ransomed off foreign oil workers throughout the 1990s to in turn finance further attacks against the national government. FLEC militants stopped buses, forcing Chevron Oil workers out, and setting fire to the buses on [[March 27]] and [[April 23]], [[1992]]. A large-scale battle took place between FLEC and police in Malongo on [[May 14]] in which 25 mortar rounds accidentally hit a nearby Chevron compound.<ref name=flecchev>{{cite book|title=Significant Incidents of Political Violence Against Americans 1992|publisher=DIANE Publishing|page=p. 20}}</ref> The government, fearing the loss of their prime source of revenue, began to negotiate with representatives from [[Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda-Renewal]] (FLEC-R), [[Armed Forces of Cabinda]] (FLEC-FAC), and the [[Democratic Front of Cabinda]] (FDC) in 1995. [[Patronage]] and [[bribery]] failed to assuage the anger of FLEC-R and FLEC-FAC and negotiations ended. In February 1997, FLEC-FAC kidnapped two [[Inwangsa SDN]]-timber company employees, killing one and releasing the other after receiving a $400,000 ransom. FLEC-FLAC kidnapped eleven people in April 1998, nine Angolans and two Portuguese, released for a $500,000 ransom. FLEC-R kidnapped five [[Byansol]]-oil engineering employees, two Frenchman, two Portuguese, and an Angolan, on March, 1999. While militants released the Angolan, the government complicated the situation by promising the rebel leadership $12.5 million for the hostages. When [[António Bento Bembe]], the President of FLEC-R, showed up, the Angolan army arrested him and his bodyguards. The Angolan army later forcibly freed the other hostages on [[July 7]]. By the end of the year the government had arrested the leadership of all three rebel organizations.<ref name=bemberrest>{{cite book|last=Vines|first=Alex|year=1999|title=Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall of the Lusaka Peace Process|publisher=Human Rights Watch (Organization)|pages=pp. 39–40}}</ref>
==2000s==<!-- "Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement" links here. Do not change the section title without changing the link. -->
{{Main|2000s in Angola|Angolagate|Second Congo War}}
Illicit arms trading characterized much of the last years of the Angolan war. Each side tried to gain the upper hand by buying arms abroad in [[Eastern Europe]] and [[Russia]]. A Russian freighter delivered 500 tons of Ukrainian 7.62 mm ammunition to Simportex, a division of the Angolan government, with the help of a shipping agent in [[London]] on [[September 21]], [[2000]]. The ship's captain declared his cargo "fragile" to minimize inspection.<ref name=cargo>{{cite web|date=March 2001|url=http://www.hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/angola/index-05.htm|title=The Oil Diagnostic in Angola: An Update|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The next day, the MPLA began attacking UNITA, winning victories in several battles from September 22–25. The government gained control over military bases and diamond mines in [[Lunda Norte]] and [[Lunda Sul]], hurting Savimbi's ability to pay his troops.<ref name=safricainvasion/>
Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, buying six [[Sukhoi Su-17]] [[attack aircraft]] on [[April 3]], [[2000]]. The Spanish government in the [[Canary Islands]] prevented a Ukrainian freighter from delivering 636 tons of military equipment to Angola on [[February 24]], [[2001]]. The captain of the ship had inaccurately reported his cargo, falsely claiming the ship carried automobile parts. The Angolan government admitted Simportex had purchased arms from [[Rosoboronexport|Rosvooruzhenie]], the Russian state-owned arms company, and acknowledged the captain might have violated Spanish law by misreporting his cargo, a common practice in arms smuggling to Angola.<ref name=cargo/>
[[Image:AO-N'dalatando.png|right|250px|More than 700 villagers trekked {{convert|60|km|mi|0}} from Golungo Alto to Ndalatando (red dot), fleeing an UNITA attack. They remained uninjured.]]
UNITA carried out several attacks against civilians in May in a show of strength. UNITA militants attacked Caxito on [[May 7]], killing 100 people and kidnapping 60 children and two adults. UNITA then attacked Baia-do-Cuio, followed by an attack on Golungo Alto, a city {{convert|200|km|mi|0}} east of [[Luanda]], a few days later. The militants advanced on Golungo Alto at 2:00 pm on [[May 21]], staying until 9:00 pm on [[May 22]] when the Angolan military retook the town. They looted local businesses, taking food and alcoholic beverages before singing drunkenly in the streets. More than 700 villagers trekked {{convert|60|km|mi|0}} from Golungo Alto to [[Ndalatando]], the provincial capital of [[Cuanza Norte]], without injury. According to an aid official in Ndalatando, the Angolan military prohibited media coverage of the incident, so the details of the attack are unknown. Joffre Justino, UNITA's spokesman in Portugal, said UNITA only attacked Gungo Alto to demonstrate the government's military inferiority and the need to cut a deal.<ref name=golungo>{{cite web|date=2001-05-22|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1345364.stm|title=Unita attack east of Luanda|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> Four days later UNITA released the children to a Catholic mission in [[Camabatela]], a city {{convert|200|km|mi|0}} from where UNITA kidnapped them. The national organization said the abduction violated their policy towards the treatment of civilians. In a letter to the [[bishop]]s of Angola, [[Jonas Savimbi]] asked the [[Catholic church]] to act as an intermediary between UNITA and the government in negotiations.<ref name=kidrelease>{{cite web|date=2001-05-26|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1353467.stm|title=Rebels free children in Angola|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The attacks took their toll on Angola's economy. At the end of May, [[De Beers]], the international [[diamond]] mining company, suspended its operations in Angola, ostensibly on the grounds that negotiations with the national government reached an impasse.<ref name=diatoll>{{cite book|last=Taylor & Francis Group|year=2003|title=Africa South of the Sahara 2004|pages=p. 50}}</ref>
Militants of unknown affiliation fired rockets at [[United Nations World Food Program]] (UNWFP) planes on [[June 8]] near [[Luena]] and again near [[Kuito]] a few days later. As the first plane, a [[Boeing 727]], approached Luena someone shot a missile at the aircraft, damaging one engine but not critically as the three man crew landed successfully. The plane's altitude, {{convert|5000|m|ft|0}}, most likely prevented the assailant from identifying his target. As the citizens of Luena had enough food to last them several weeks, the UNFWP temporarily suspended their flights. When the flights began again a few days later, militants shot at a plane flying to Kuito, the first attack targeting UN workers since 1999.<ref name=luflight>{{cite web|date=2001-06-08|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1378549.stm|title=WFP plane hit in Angola|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The UNWFP again suspended food aid flights throughout the country. While he did not claim responsibility for the attack, UNITA spokesman Justino said the planes carried weapons and soldiers rather than food, making them acceptable targets. UNITA and the Angolan government both said the international community needed to pressure the other side into returning to the negotiating table. Despite the looming humanitarian crisis, neither side guaranteed UNWFP planes safety. [[Kuito]], which had relied on international aid, only had enough food to feed their population of 200,000.<ref name=kuitoinc>{{cite web|date=2001-06-20|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1396633.stm|title=UN warns of Angolan catastrophe|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The UNFWP had to fly in all aid to Kuito and the rest of the Central Highlands because militants ambushed trucks. Further complicating the situation, potholes in the Kuito airport strip slowed aid deliveries. Overall chaos reduced the amount of available oil to the point at which the UN had to import its jet fuel.<ref name=kuitsit>{{cite web|date=2001-06-18|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1394645.stm|title=Mission impossible for UN in Kuito|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
Government troops captured and destroyed UNITA's Epongoloko base in Benguela province and Mufumbo base in Cuanza Sul in October 2001.<ref name=octoberbases>Martin (2004). p. 166.</ref> The Slovak government sold fighter jets to the Angolan government in 2001 in violation of the [[European Union]] Code of Conduct on Arms Exports.<ref name=slovaksale>{{cite web|date=2004-02-10|url=http://hrw.org/english/docs/2004/02/10/slovak7279.htm|title=NATO/EU: Reform Slovakia's Arms Trade|publisher=Human Rights Watch|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
===Death of Savimbi===
Government troops killed Savimbi on [[February 22]], [[2002]], in Moxico province.<ref name=savdeath>{{cite book|last=Arnson|first=Cynthia J|coauthors= Zartman, I William|year=2005|title=Rethinking the Economics of War: The Intersection of Need, Creed, and Greed|page=p. 120}}</ref> UNITA Vice President [[António Dembo]] took over, but died from diabetes 12 days later on [[March 3]], and Secretary-General [[Paulo Lukamba]] became UNITA's leader.<ref name=interview>{{cite web|author=Zorgbibe, Charles |year=2003|url=http://www.african-geopolitics.org/show.aspx?ArticleId=3583|title=Angola in Peace|publisher=African Geopolitics|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> After Savimbi's death, the government came to a crossroads over how to proceed. After initially indicating the counter-insurgency might continue, the government announced it would halt all [[military operation]]s on [[March 13]]. Military commanders for UNITA and the MPLA met in [[Cassamba]] and agreed to a cease-fire. However, Carlos Morgado, UNITA's spokesman in [[Portugal]], said he UNITA's Portugal wing had been under the impression General Kamorteiro, the UNITA general who agreed to the ceasefire, had been captured more than a week earlier. Morgado did say that he had not heard from Angola since Savimbi's death. The military commanders signed a Memorandum of Understanding as an addendum to the [[Lusaka Protocol]] in [[Luena]] on [[April 4]], Dos Santos and Lukambo observing.<ref name=endofwar>Crocker, Aall, and Osler (2004). p. 224.</ref><ref name=morgado>{{cite web|date=2002-03-16|url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1875723.stm|title=Angolan military meets Unita rebels|publisher=BBC News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
The [[United Nations Security Council]] passed [[List of United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1401 to 1500|Resolution 1404]] on [[April 18]], extending the [[UNAVEM III]] mission by six months. Resolutions 1412 and 1432, passed on [[May 17]] and [[August 15]] respectively, suspended the UN travel ban on UNITA officials for 90 days each, finally abolishing the ban through Resolution 1439 on [[October 18]]. UNAVEM III, extended an additional two months by Resolution 1439, ended on [[December 19]].<ref name=unres>{{cite web|url=http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/committees/Angola/AngolaResEng.htm|title=Security Council Resolutions Concerning the Situation in Angola Pursuant to Resolution )|publisher=United Nations|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
UNITA's new leadership declared the rebel group a political party and officially demobilized its armed forces in [[August 2002]].<ref name=polonly>{{cite web|year=2005|url=http://members.aol.com/CSPmgm/Angola2005.pdf|title=Polity IV Country Report 2005: Angola|format=PDF|publisher=Center for Systematic Peace|page=p. 3}}</ref> That same month, the United Nations Security Council replaced the United Nations Office in Angola with the United Nations Mission in Angola, a larger, non-military, political presence.<ref name=legacy>{{cite book|last=Furley|first=Oliver|coauthors=May, Roy |year=2006|title=Ending Africa's Wars: Progressing to Peace|page=p. 147}}</ref>
===Legacy===
The civil war spawned a disastrous humanitarian crisis in Angola, internally displacing 4.28 million people, one-third of Angola's population. The [[United Nations]] estimated in 2003 that 80 percent of Angolans lacked access to basic medical care, 60 percent lacked access to water, and 30 percent of Angolan children would die before the age of 5, with an overall [[life expectancy]] of less than 40 years of age.<ref name=humantoll>{{cite web|author=Polgreen, Lydia |date=2003-07-30|url=http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C02EEDF173EF933A05754C0A9659C8B63|title= Angolans Come Home to 'Negative Peace'|publisher=The New York Times|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The government spent $187 million settling IDPs between [[April 4]], [[2002]] and 2004, after which the [[World Bank]] gave $33 million to continue the settling process. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimated that fighting in 2002 displaced 98,000 people between [[January 1]] and [[February 28]] alone. The IDPs, unacquainted with their surroundings, frequently and predominantly fell victim to these weapons. IDPs comprised 75% of all landmine victims. Militant forces laid approximately 15 million [[landmine]]s by 2002.<ref name=legacy/> The [[HALO Trust]] charity began demining in 1994, destroying 30,000 by July 2007. There are 1,100 Angolans and seven foreign workers who are working for HALO Trust in Angola, with operations expected to finish sometime between 2011 and 2014.<ref name=halo>{{cite web|author=Scott Bobb|year=2007|url=http://www.voanews.com/english/-voa17.cfm|title=Work intensifies to clear Angola's landmines|publisher=Voice of America News|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref><ref name=ocha>{{cite book|first=Human Rights Watch|last=International Campaign to Ban Landmines|year=2002|title=Landmine Monitor Report 2002: Toward a Mine-free World|pages=p. 64}}</ref>
[[Human Rights Watch]] estimates UNITA and the government employed more than 6,000 and 3,000 [[child soldier]]s respectively, some forcibly impressed, during the war. Human rights analysts found 5,000 to 8,000 underage girls married to UNITA militants. Some girls were ordered to go and forage for food to provide for the troops. If the girls did not bring back enough food as judged by their commander, then the girls would not eat. After victories, UNITA commanders would be rewarded with women who were often then sexually abused. The government and U.N. agencies identified 190 child soldiers in the Angolan army and relocated 70 of them by November 2002, but the government continued to knowingly employ other underage soldiers.<ref name=childsoldiers>{{cite web|accessdate=2008-02-10|url=http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/angola0403/Angola0403-03.htm|title=IV. Use of children in the war since 1998|publisher=Human Rights Watch}}</ref>
==Cultural influence==
{{main|Red Dawn|Red Scorpion}}
[[John Milius]]'s 1984 film ''[[Red Dawn]]'' explores a future in which the United States loses a [[Nuclear warfare|nuclear war]] with the Soviet Union and is invaded by a joint Cuban-Soviet force, similar to the contemporary reality in Angola. One of the officers depicted in the film, a Cuban named Bella, is said to have fought in the Cold War conflicts in Angola, [[El Salvador]], and [[Nicaragua]].<ref name=reddawn>{{cite book|last=Shapiro|first=Jerome Franklin|year=2002|title=Atomic Bomb Cinema: The Apocalyptic Imagination on Film|page=p. 184}}</ref><ref name=bella>{{cite book|last=Prince|first=Stephen|year=1992|title=Visions of Empire: Political Imagery in Contemporary American Film|page=p. 58}}</ref>
Now-disgraced lobbyist [[Jack Abramoff]] wrote and co-produced the film ''[[Red Scorpion]]'' with his brother Robert [[1989 in film|in 1989]]. [[Dolph Lundgren]] played Nikolai, a Soviet agent sent to assassinate an African revolutionary in a country modeled on Angola.<ref name=redscorp>{{cite book|last=Julius|first=Marshall|year=1997|title=Action!: The Action Movie A-Z|page=p. 166}}</ref><ref name=inangola>{{cite book|last=Dubose|first=Lou|coauthors=Reid, Jan |year=2004|title=The Hammer: Tom DeLay God, Money, and the Rise of the Republican Congress|pages=p. 189}}</ref><ref name=scorplot>{{cite web|url=http://imdb.com/title/tt0098180/plotsummary|title=Plot summary for Red Scorpion (1989)|publisher=IMDb|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref> The film has a strongly anti-Communist message, and goes to great lengths to depict the sadism and violence of the Soviets, including a scene in which [[Chemical warfare|chemical weapons]] are used.<ref name=scorpviolence>{{cite web|accessdate=2008-02-10|url=http://www.thelocal.se/6737///|title=Introducing...Dolph Lundgren|date=2007-03-19|publisher=The Local}}</ref> The South African government financed the film through the [[International Freedom Foundation]], a front-group chaired by Abramoff, as part of its efforts to undermine international sympathy for the [[African National Congress]].<ref name=scorpfund>{{cite web|author=Silverstein, Ken |year=2006|url=http://www.harpers.org/archive/2006/04/sb-the-making-of-a-lobbyist|title=The Making of a Lobbyist|publisher=Harper's Magazine|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
Produced by Fernando Vendrell, and directed by Zézé Gamboa, the 2004 film ''[[The Hero (2004 film)|The Hero]]'' is about the life of average Angolans after the civil war. The film follows the lives of three individuals: Vitório, a [[war veteran]] crippled by a landmine who returns to [[Luanda]]; Manu, a young boy searching for his soldier father; and Joana, a teacher who mentors the boy and begins a love affair with Vitório. ''The Hero'' won the 2005 [[Sundance]] World Dramatic Cinema Jury Grand Prize. A joint Angolan, Portuguese, and French production, Gamboa filmed ''The Hero'' entirely in Angola.<ref name=award>{{cite web|year=2005|url=http://www.newsreel.org/nav/title.asp?tc=CN0173|title=The Hero|publisher=California Newsreel|accessdate=2008-02-10}}</ref>
==See also==
*[[Republic of Cabinda]]
*[[Cuba in Angola]]
==Further reading==
*Brittain, Victoria. ''Death of Dignity'', Red Sea Press, 1998. ISBN . An account of the conflict from the MPLA's point of view.
*[[Stockwell, John]]. ''In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story'', [[W.W. Norton]], 1978.
*[[Kapuściński, Ryszard]]. ''Another Day of Life'', Penguin, 1975. ISBN 014118678X. A Polish journalist's account of Portuguese withdrawal from Angola and the beginning of the civil war.
*Une Odyssee Africaine (Frankreich, 2006, 59mn) Regie: Jihan El Tahri
*ICAIC (Instituto cubano del arte e industria cinematograficos)
*Gleijeses, Piero: ''Kuba in Afrika 1975–1991.'' In: Bernd Greiner /Christian Th. Müller / Dierk Walter (Hrsg.): ''Heiße Kriege im Kalten Krieg.'' Hamburg, 2006, ISBN
*Gleijeses, Piero: Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, (The University of North Carolina Press)
*Saney, Isaac, "African Stalingrad: The Cuban Revolution, Internationalism and the End of Apartheid," Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 33, No. 5 (September 2006): pp. 81–117.
*Nelson Mendela & Fidel Castro, How Far We Slaves Have Come! (New York:Pathfinder Press, 1991)
*Pazzanita, Anthony G, "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola." The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 29 No 1(March 1991): pp. 83–114.
==References==
{{Reflist|2}}
==External links==
*[http://www.onwar.com/aced/nation/all/angola/fangola1975.htm Armed Conflict Events Data: Angolan Civil War 1975–1991]
*[http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Stockwell/In_Search_Enemies.html Excerpts from ''In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story''] by John Stockwell (the CIA officer who headed up the CIA's Angola Task Force)
*[http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/z?r101:E26OC9-320: "Savimbi's Elusive Victory in Angola"], by [[Michael Johns (executive)|Michael Johns]], ''U.S. Congressional Record'', [[October 26]], [[1989]].
*[http://www.arte.tv/de/geschichte-gesellschaft/1691038.html Arte TV: Fidel, der Che und die afrikanische Odyssee]
*[http://www.sozialwiss.uni-hamburg.de/publish/Ipw/Akuf/kriege/281_angola.htm Departement Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Hamburg über den Krieg in Angola] (Hamburg University)
*[http://www.absa.ch/AK/Bulletin/123.htm Afrika-Bulletin Nr. 123, August/September 2006 mit Schwerpunktthema Angola]
*[http://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/diplo/de/Laenderinformationen/Angola/Geschichte.html Deutsches Auswärtiges Amt zur Geschichte Angolas] (German foreign ministry)
*[http://www.welt.de/fernsehen/article1233840/Wie_Castro_die_Revolution_exportierte__.html Welt Online: Wie Castro die Revolution exportierte]
*[http://www.uni-due.de/geschichte/vst-hatzky.php Christine Hatzky: Kuba in Afrika] (Duisburg University)
*[http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB67/ The National Security Archive: Secret Cuban Documents on Africa Involvement]
{{Cold War}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Civil War, Angolan}}
[[Category:Civil wars involving the states and peoples of Africa]]
[[Category:Cold War]]
[[Category:Conflicts in 1975]]
[[Category:Guerrilla wars]]
[[Category:History of the Democratic Republic of the Congo]]
[[Category:Military history of Angola]]
[[Category:Civil wars of the Modern era]]
[[Category:UNITA]]
[[Category:Wars involving Cuba]]
[[Category:Wars involving South Africa]]
[[Category:Wars involving the Democratic Republic of the Congo]]
[[Category:Foreign relations of the Soviet Union]]
[[cs:Angolská občanská válka]]
[[de:Bürgerkrieg in Angola]]
[[es:Guerra civil de Angola]]
[[hr:Angolski građanski rat]]
[[he:מלחמת האזרחים באנגולה]]
[[ja:アンゴラ内戦]]
[[pt:Guerra Civil Angolana]]
[[ru:Гражданская война в Анголе]]
[[sr:Анголски грађански рат]]
[[fi:Angolan sisällissota]]
[[tr:Angola İç Savaşı]]
[[zh:安哥拉内战]]