Democracy in the Middle East
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2008-07-02T12:59:13Z
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/* Current state */
Proposed reasons for the relative absence of [[liberal democracy]] in the Middle East are diverse, from the long history of imperial rule by the [[Ottoman Empire]], [[British Empire|Britain]] and [[French colonial empires|France]] and the contemporary political and military intervention by the [[United States]], all of which have been blamed for preferring authoritarian regimes because this simplifies the business environment, while enriching the governing elite and the companies of the imperial countries. This is a social and economic justice explanation.{{Fact|date=April 2007}} Other explanations include the problem that most of the states in the region are [[rentier state]]s, which experience the theorized [[resource curse]].
Several orientalist scholars have attempted to explain the absence of democracy in the region. While some orientalists argue that democracy is incompatible with [[Islam]]ic [[Muslim culture|culture]] and values,<ref>Lewis, Bernard. ''What Went Wrong?: The Clash Between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East''</ref> others put forward the development in the conceptualization of political practices. This mainstream advances the innovative approach adopted by political actors in interpreting religious texts which underpinnes that a gradual political opening is more efficient to reach democracy. As claims about the impact of civil society in the democratization process was put forward by the political economy approaches, the post-positivist interpretation stresses the importance to consider the interplay between culture, identity and discourse in framing Middle East politics.<ref>Pratt,N''Identity,Culture and Democratization:The Case of Egypt''</ref>
Accordingly, this article traces the history and assesses the current state and future prospects of democracy, democratic tendencies, and democratic movements in all countries in the broadly-defined Middle East region.
==Current state==
In light of resistance to democracy in much of the Arab world, observers such as [[Samuel Huntington]] have advocated the notion of a "clash" between Arab and Western civilisations<ref>Clash of civilizations Samuel P Huntington, ISBN-10: 074323149X</ref>. This resistance even led to arguments such as "Arab exceptionalism," a phase that prescribes that Arab nations are immune to economic modernization and democratization, or that these concepts form part of the "clash".
Nevertheless, there are a number of pro-democracy movements in the Middle East. A prominent figure in this movement is [[Saad Eddin Ibrahim]] who advocates and campaigns for democracy in Egypt and the wider region, working with the Ibn Khaldun Centre for Development Studies<ref>Ibn Khaldun Centre for Development Studies http://www.eicds.org/</ref> and serving on the Board of Advisors for the [[Project on Middle East Democracy]].
When asked about his thoughts regarding the current state of democracy in the region he said:
''“People's memories... have become tuned or conditioned to thinking that the problems in the Middle East must be a chronic condition, not that they are only 30 years old, and not realizing that the reason for the current state of the Middle East was first, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and two, the Cold War.
''The Cold War made the United States and other western democracies look the other way when it came to political oppression and allowed them to deal with tyrants and dictators”.'' <ref>Interview with Saad Eddin Ibrahim. March, 2005. http://www.logosjournal.com/issue_4.2/ibrahim_interview.htm</ref>
The [[Middle East Forum]], a pro-Israel think tank based in Philadelphia, recently published their table for measurement of democracy within Middle Eastern states<ref>The Middle East Forum, http://www.meforum.org/article/970#_ftn23</ref>. Their contention is that little has changed, post-[[September 11, 2001 attacks|September 11]], 2001, and if anything the "[[War on Terror]]" has enabled many regimes to stifle democratic progress. The results showed very little progress from 1999-2005. The report even states that this pattern may be counter-productive to US interests, with Islamism being the only viable opposition to regimes in many Middle Eastern countries. As an additional measure of US attitudes towards the issue of Middle Eastern democratization, on 14 December 2006, the US Secretary of state Condoleezza Rice<ref>Rice discusses Middle East Democracy http://www.saudi-us-relations.org/articles/2006/ioi/061219-rice-democracy.html</ref>stated that democracy in the Middle East was “non-negotiable.” The reaction to this statement was positive from some; it was considered a warning by others {{weasel-inline}}.
Middle East scholar Louise Fawcett notes how the United Nations Development Programme's ''Arab Human Development Report 2002'', drafted by Western-educated Arab intellectuals, is modelled "on universal democratic principles."<ref>Fawcett, L. (2005) ''International Relations in the Middle East'' Gosport: Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-926963-7 p 123</ref> In addition, Fawcett argues that "Constitutional democracy is viewed not only as an intrinsic good by the putative globalisers who drafted this Report; it is also an instrumental necessity if the region is to stop stagnating and begin to catch up with the rest of the world."<ref>Fawcett, L(2005) ''International Relations in the Middle East'' Gosport: Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-926963-7 p 123</ref>
The level of democratic process varies widely from country to country. A few countries, such as Saudi Arabia, do not claim to be democracies; however, most of the larger states claim to be democracies{{Fact|date=July 2007}}, although this claim is in most cases disputed{{Fact|date=July 2007}}.
===Arab Socialism===
A number of [[republic]]s embracing [[Arab Socialism]], such as [[Syria]] and [[Egypt]], regularly hold [[election]]s, but critics assert that these are [[single-party state]]s or unfair [[dominant-party system]]s and not full [[multi-party system]]s. Most importantly they do not allow citizens to choose between different candidates for presidency election<ref>[[Egypt]]</ref><ref>[[Syria]]</ref>. [[Yemen]], [[Lebanon]] and the [[Palestinian Authority]], while also partly accepting this ideology, are generally considered more democratic than other states that do so, but the power of institutions in the latter two are limited by the domination of Syria and Israel, respectively.
===Absolute monarchy===
[[Absolute monarchy]] is more common in the Middle East than elsewhere, and even a number of kingdoms with parliaments have been claimed to fall broadly under this category. [[Saudi Arabia]] and most other kingdoms on the [[Arabian Peninsula]] are usually considered absolute monarchies.
===Constitutional monarchy===
[[Constitutional monarchy]] can be said to be at least partly embraced in some countries that are generally considered more democratic. [[Jordan]], [[Kuwait]], [[Morocco]], and [[Bahrain]] are examples of this category.
===Islamic governments===
Establishment of Islamic laws in [[Iran]] following the [[Iranian Revolution]] of 1979 has produced an electoral system that is limited by the vetoing power of a religious leader. However some elections in Iran, as the election of city councils satisfies democratic criteria. In other countries, the ideology (usually out of power) has fostered both pro-democratic and anti-democratic sentiments. The [[Justice and Development Party (Turkey)|Justice and Development Party]] is a moderate democratic Islamist party that has come to power in traditionally secular [[Turkey]]. Its moderate ideology has been compared to [[Christian Democracy]] in Europe. The [[United Iraqi Alliance]], the winner of the recent elections in Iraq, is a coalition including many religious parties.
===Israel/Palestine===
[[Israel]] is represented by a very large number of parties where small parties have a disproportionate strong influence. According to Uzi Benziman of Haaretz, [[Israel]] is often considered to be a democracy within its 1948 borders, though this contention does not go unquestioned<ref>Benziman, Uzi. "Democracy in Israel," ''Haaretz.'' 18 May 2003</ref> due to issues such as institutional segregation <ref>"Israeli Law Limits Arab Citizenship," ''BBC News''. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/3111727.stm</ref><ref>"Arab Ban Proposed in Jewish Areas," ''BBC News''. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/2115857.stm</ref> and its military occupation of disputed territories and [[Palestinian territories]].
The [[Palestinian Authority]], which exercises only limited sovereignty, has generally been considered to be more open than most Arab governments, particularly in light of the election of President [[Mahmoud Abbas]]. Factionalism has increased recently, particularly in the [[Palestinian Legislative Council|Legislature]], and has caused severe tension over the issue of democracy. This does, however, indicate that democracy is a salient issue in [[Palestinian]] society.
===Mauritania===
[[Mauritania]] has recently undergone a democratic transition, an example of democratization without foreign intervention. Although Mauritania is not always counted as a Middle Eastern country, due to its peripheral location{{Fact|date=December 2007}}, it is a member of the [[Arab League]] and has traditionally been under an Arab ruling class. The refusal by other Arab leaders to attend the 2007 inauguration of Mauritania's newly elected president has been viewed as a sign that the country's example has made authoritarian rulers in the region nervous{{Fact|date=December 2007}}.
===Lebanon===
Lebanon traditionally enjoyed a confessional democratic system. the Lebanese constitution that was written in 1926 was based on the French constitution and it secured equality and freedom among all its citizens. A large number of political parties, with very different ideologies, are active in Lebanon, but most of them form political alliances with other groups of similar interests. Even though certain high profile positions in the government and the seats in the parliament are reserved to specified sects, very strong competition between different party and independent candidates is expected in the elections.
==Secularism==
{{Main|Secularism in the Middle East}}
[[Secularism]] in the region was pioneered by [[Kemal Atatürk]], who, though he himself had some authoritarian tendencies, helped establish the first modern Middle Eastern democracy in [[Turkey]]. Arab Socialism has also fostered secularism, though sometimes in what has been seen as a less democratic context. Secularism is not the same as [[freedom of religion]], and secular governments have at times denied the rights of Islamists and other religious parties. A trend of a more liberal secularism supporting broader freedom of religion has developed recently in Turkey, while some Arab Socialist states have moved away from secularism to some extent, increasingly embracing religion, though many say without really increasing the rights of religious parties.
== 2007 [[Democracy Index]] ==
According to a study of [[The Economist]], 167 countries were classified according to five broad concepts : free and fair election process, civil liberties, functioning of government, political participation and political culture. In the middle east only Iraq, Turkey, Lebanon, and Israel were considered democracies to the extent that all but authoritarian regimes were considered democracies.
==Western intervention==
After the dissolution of the [[Ottoman Empire]], many of the empire's former territories fell under the rule of European countries under [[League of Nations]] mandates. Thus, European powers were instrumental in establishing the first independent governments that emerged out of the Ottoman Empire. During the [[Cold War]], the [[United States]] and the [[Soviet Union]] competed for allies in the region and the U.S. has been accused of supporting dictatorships contrary to its stated democratic principles. The 1957 [[Eisenhower Doctrine]] provided a justified rhetoric for U.S. foreign policy to actively promote democracy in the Middle East. The U.S., with some allies, has in recent years invaded Afghanistan and Iraq with a partially stated purpose of establishing democracies there, to the opposition of those who say that democracy cannot be imposed from outside. The two countries have since had relatively successful elections, but have also experienced serious security and development problems.
Some believe that [[democracy]] can be established "only through force" and the help of the United States.<ref>[http://www.memritv.org/Transcript.asp?P1=1351 Democracy in the Middle East Can Only Be Established by Force]</ref> Writers such as Michele Dunne, when writing for the Carnegie Paper<ref>[http://www.carnegieendowment.org Carnegie Endowment for International Peace<!-- Bot generated title -->]</ref> concurs with the rhetoric of the late Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin (at that time, referring to peace and terrorism) that the foreign policy position of the US should be to ‘pursue peace as though there were no democratization, and pursue democratization as though there were no peace. In other words, the U.S. government should pursue reform and democratization as policy goals in the first instance without worrying excessively about tradeoffs with other goals.”<ref> Michele Dunne, “Integrating Democracy Promotion into U.S. Middle East Policy”,Carnegie Paper No. 50, October 2004. p 8, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=1381 </ref> However, the Bush Administration has lost much credibility due to their inability to predict the outcomes of their interventions in the Middle East. The U.S. pressure behind the calling of the [[Palestinian legislative election, 2006|2006 Palestinian legislative election]] backfired, resulting in the democratically sound victory of [[Hamas]], a "huge blow to Bush's advocacy of democracy in the Middle East".<ref>[http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/01/26/AR2006012601009.html Bush Is Conciliatory in Accepting Victory of Hamas]</ref> The U.S. seemed not to have anticipated that democratic reform might result in the election of unfriendly governments. Drawing upon the ideas of Middle East scholar Nicola Pratt it can be argued that: <blockquote>“…the outcome of democratization efforts is [in reality]…contingent upon the degree
to which actors’ chosen strategies contribute to either reproducing or
challenging the relations of power between civil society and the state.”<ref> Pratt, N (May 2004) “Bringing politics back in: examining the link between globalization and democratization” ''Review of International Political Economy'' 11:2, p 331, DOI:10.1080/0969229042000249831 </ref></blockquote>
== The state, democratization and the Middle East ==
Whereas democracy is an end product, democratization is the process leading to it. <ref name= Korany >{{cite book | author= Korany, Bahgat, Rex Brynen and Paul Noble, eds. | title= “Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World: Volume 2, Comparative Experiences” | publisher= Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers | year=1998 | id=ISBN 1-55587-599-8 |pages = 3, 8, 274 }}</ref> One of the key questions debated nowadays is why the region of the Middle East and North Africa referred to as MENA has proven extremely resistant to democracy while other regions like Africa, the Americas, Asia-Pacific and Central and Eastern Europe have registered significant progress toward democratization.
Typical explanations offered by analysts, in general, point to the "prerequisite failure" of MENA. The civil society here is seen as weak and thus unable to develop effective countervailing power in society which would force the state to be accountable to popular preferences. In the same vein, the lack of a market-driven economy undermines the capacity to build individual autonomy and power.<ref name=Marsha >{{cite book | author= Bellin, Eva | title= “Coercive Institutions and Coercive Leaders” in Posusney, Marsha Pripstein and Michele Penner Angrist, eds., “Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Regimes and Resistance” | publisher= Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers | year=2005 | id=ISBN 1-58826-342-8 |pages = pp. 21-38}}</ref> The level of equilibrium or disequilibrium in the state-civil society relations is one of the most important indicators of the chances of democratization and the possibility of its evolution. <ref name=Korany />It is a synergistic relation as without the state it may be difficult for civil society to flourish and develop in a productive way. <ref name=Korany /> Further on, poverty, inequality and low literacy rates compromise people's commitment to democratic reforms as this is not a priority for them while, at the same time, the countries in the region are geographically remote from the centre of democratization. Culture, and specifically MENA's saturation with Islam is also a powerful argument used to explain the region's failure to catch the third wave.<ref name=Marsha />
Although the explanations above are valid in some cases, they fail in many other instances when particular countries or areas suffering from the same poor endowments succeed in their quest for democratization. In order to understand the rarity of the democratic transition in the MENA region it is necessary to take into account a decisive variable when it comes to democratization: the state.
Inspired by Skopcol’s work on revolution<ref >{{cite book | author= Skocpol, Theda| title= “States and Social Revolutions”| publisher= Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press | year=1979 | id=ISBN 0-521-29499-1|pages = pp. 32}}</ref>, Belin<ref name=Marsha /> argues that democratic transition can only be carried out when the state's coercive apparatus lacks the will or capacity to crush it. And, as history reveals, authoritarianism has been exceptionally robust in the MENA because the coercive apparatus in many of the states has proven exceptionally able and willing to crush reform initiatives. In short, the strength, coherence, and effectiveness of the state's coercive apparatus discriminate between cases of successful and failed democratization. And here is where the region’s true exceptionalism lies.
Moreover, almost every Arab state has been directly involved in some form of international conflict over the past decades. Unfortunately, evidence from the literature on the effect of wars on domestic political development suggests that conflict involvement has a direct influence on the country's prospects for democratization. <ref >{{cite book | author= Brynen, Rex, Bahgat Korany and Paul Noble, eds. | title= “Political Liberalization & Democratization in the Arab World: Volume 1, Theoretical Perspectives” | publisher=London: Lynne Reinner Publishers | year=1995 | id=ISBN 1-55587-579-3 |pages = pp. 285}}</ref>
==References==
{{reflist}}
==External links==
* Marina Ottoway, et al., [http://www.ceip.org/files/publications/HTMLBriefs-WP/20_October_2002_Policy_Brief/20009536v01.html "Democratic Mirage in the Middle East"], Carnegie Endowment for Ethics and International Peace, Policy Brief 20 ([[October 20]], [[2002]]).
* Marina Ottoway and Thomas Carothers, [http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=2705&print=1 "Think Again: Middle East Democracy"], Foreign Policy (Nov./Dec. 2004).
* Chris Zambelis, [http://www.carlisle.army.mil/usawc/Parameters/05autumn/zambelis.htm "The Strategic Implications of Political Liberalization and Democratization in the Middle East"], Parameters, (Autumn 2005).
* Adnan M. Hayajneh, [http://www.alternativesjournal.net/volume3/number2/adnan.htm "The U.S. Strategy: Democracy and Internal Stability in the Arab World"], Alternatives (Volume 3, No. 2 & 3, Summer/Fall 2004).
* [http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=16643#how Democracy in Yemen]
* Gary Gambill, [http://www.meib.org/articles/0407_me2.htm "Jumpstarting Arab Reform: The Bush Administration's Greater Middle East Initiative"], Middle East Intelligence Bulletin (Vol. 6, No. 6-7, June/July 2004).
* Remarks by George W. Bush at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, United States Chamber of Commerce, Washington, D.C., [http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/11/20031106-2.html "President Bush Discusses Freedom in Iraq and Middle East"], ([[6 November]] [[2003]]).
* Robert Blecher, [http://www.merip.org/mero/interventions/blecher_interv.html "Free People Will Set the Course of History: Intellectuals, Democracy and American Empire"], Middle East Report (March 2003).
* Robert Fisk, [http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article9888.htm "What Does Democracy Really Mean In The Middle East? Whatever The West Decides"], ''The London Independent'' ([[8 August]] [[2005]]).
*Fawaz Gergez, [http://yaleglobal.yale.edu/display.article?id=5622 "Is Democracy in the Middle East a Pipedream?"], Yale Global Online ([[April 25]] [[2005]]).
*Adam Garfinkle, Joshua Muravchik, Jon Alterman, Michele Dunne, J. Scott Carpenter, [http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/mesh/2008/01/middle_east_sustain_democracy/ "Can the Middle East Sustain Democracy?"], Middle East Strategy at Harvard ([[January 3]] [[2008]]).
[[Category:Middle East]]
[[Category:Forms of government]]
[[Category:Politics]]
[[Category:Democracy by location]]