Fascism and ideology 3086381 224834780 2008-07-10T17:01:30Z Lightbot 7178666 Units/dates/other {{Fascism}} {{POV|date=December 2007}} {{Original research|article|date=March 2008}} There are numerous debates concerning '''fascism and ideology'''. The position of fascism on the political spectrum is a point of contention. ==Difficulties in defining 'fascism'== {{main|Definitions of fascism}} Of the political ideologies considered important in recent history, fascism is one of the most difficult to define. The consensus suggests that fascism is an authoritarian ideology, but not every authoritarian ideology is fascist. Various scholars have sought to define fascism, and a list of such definitions can be found in the article ''[[definitions of fascism]]''. Bertrand Russell wrote: "Fascism is not an ordered set of beliefs....there is no philosophy of fascism, but only a psycho-analysis."<ref>Bertrand Russell, "Scylla and Charybdis" from "In Praise of Idleness and other essays, 1958 5th. ed. , Unwin</ref> [[George Orwell]], has called "fascism" nothing more than an insult that various groups use against their political opponents.<ref name="orwell1944">[http://orwell.ru/library/articles/As_I_Please/english/efasc George Orwell: ‘What is Fascism?’]</ref> These difficulties arise because there have been few self-identified fascists. Originally, "fascism" referred to a political movement that existed in a single country ([[Italy]]) for less than 30 years and ruled the country from 1922 to 1943 under the leadership of [[Benito Mussolini]]. Clearly, if the definition is restricted to the original [[Italian Fascism]], then "fascism" has little significance outside of Italian politics. But the term usually refers to a variety of nationalist movements that existed in Europe during the 1920s and 30s - most notably [[Germany|German]] [[Nazism]] and [[clerical fascism]] - which are deemed important because they were largely responsible for [[World War II]]. However, most of these movements rejected the label of "fascism" and, indeed, claimed to be unrelated to each other. Each typically claimed to be derived from the specific traditions of its country of birth. This poses a challenge to any attempt to describe the relationship between fascism and other ideologies, since "fascism" itself is more of a category of similar political movements than a unified ideology. Adding to the challenge, a great variety of different political leaders across the world have been described as "fascists" by their opponents in the decades after 1945, and there are also a number of fringe groups that claim to follow the tradition of pre-1945 fascists (these are usually called [[neo-fascism|neo-fascists]]). To avoid confusion, the present article focuses on political movements described as "fascist" prior to World War II, while touching only briefly on post-1945 issues. In addition, most of the fascist views discussed in this article are only shared by ''some'', not all, political movements identified as fascist. ==Fascism and the political spectrum== A [[political spectrum]] is a way of comparing or visualizing different political positions. It does this by placing them upon one or more geometric axes. The traditional (and most widely used) political spectrum consists of a single axis going from [[Left-Right politics|"left" to "right"]]. The majority view among both scholars and the general population is that fascism is part of the [[far right]]. Fascists themselves sometimes claimed to be right-wing (but not ''far'' right), and other times claimed to be a "third force" that was outside the traditional political spectrum altogether (see [[International Third Position]]). They never identified themselves as left-wing, and usually reserved the term "leftism" for their enemies. In ''[[Doctrine of Fascism|The Doctrine of Fascism]]'', an essay signed by Benito Mussolini which was meant to convey the basic principles of Italian Fascism, it is stated: {{cquote|Granted that the 19th century was the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy, this does not mean that the 20th century must also be the century of socialism, liberalism, democracy. Political doctrines pass; nations remain. We are free to believe that this is the century of authority, a century tending to the "right", a Fascist century.<ref>"[http://www.worldfuturefund.org/wffmaster/Reading/Germany/mussolini.htm The Doctrine of Fascism]," [[Benito Mussolini]] or [[Giovanni Gentile]], 1932.</ref>}} Many scholars of fascism, including Griffin, Eatwell, Laqueuer, and Weber, are reluctant to call fascism simply a right-wing ideology. Yet in their lengthy discussions they observe that generally fascism and neo-fascism ally themselves with right-wing or conservative forces on the basis of [[Race (classification of human beings)|racial]] [[nationalism]], hatred of the communists, or simple expediency. The early fascism of the 1900s was however not concerned with race but the pride of Italy and expansion into foreign territories. *Laqueuer (1996): "Fascism did not belong to the extreme Left, yet defining it as part of the extreme Right is not very illuminating either." p. 13. "But historical fascism was always a coalition between radical, populist ('fascist') elements and others gravitating toward the extreme Right" p. 223. *Eatwell (1996) talks about the need of fascism for "[[Syncretic politics|syncretic]] legitimation" which sometimes led it to forge alliances with "existing mainstream elites, who often sought to turn fascism to their own more [[conservatism|conservative]] purposes." Eatwell also observes that "in most countries it tended to gather force in countries where the right was weak" p. 39. *Griffin (1991, 2000) also does not include right-wing ideology in his "fascist minimum," but writes: "Not only does the location of fascism within the right pose taxonomic problems, there are good ground for cutting this particular Gordian knot altogether by placing it in a category of its own "beyond left and right." p. 50. *Payne (1995) while noting that fascist groups were anti-conservative states that they "were willing to undertake temporary alliances with groups from any other sector, most commonly with the right." p.7. *Weber: "...their most common allies lay on the right, particularly on the radical authoritarian right, and Italian Fascism as a semi-coherent entity was partly defined by its merger with one of the most radical of all right authoritarian movements in Europe, the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI)." ([1964] 1982), p. 8. According to these scholars, there are both left and right influences on fascism as a social movement, and right-wing ideology should not be considered part of the "fascist minimum", but, nonetheless, fascism, especially once in power, has historically attracted support primarily from the political right. The left influences in fascism are claimed to originate in the fact that several prominent theorists of fascism began their political careers as socialists, [[syndicalism|syndicalists]], [[anarchism|anarchists]], or a combination thereof. Benito Mussolini himself was a prominent member of the [[Italian Socialist Party]] in his youth. He spent some years writing for a socialist newspaper before [[World War I]], but his support for the war when it broke out and his strong feelings of Italian nationalism caused him to reject socialism. He spent the war years without a definite political cause, and later began setting the foundations for what would become the fascist movement. By the time he gained power, many of his old comrades on the left were the first targets of his political police. Fascist philosophers such as [[Robert Michels]], [[Sergio Panunzio]], and [[Giovanni Gentile]] were former syndicalists; [[Gabriele D'Annunzio]] was a former anarchist and Alceste de Ambris had been influenced by [[anarcho-syndicalism]]. [[Hubert Lagardelle]], who worked together with [[George Sorel]] earlier, and was editor of the 'neo-syndicalist' ''Plans'' in 1931, became a [[Vichy France|Vichy]] labour minister. [[Zeev Sternhell]] and [[A. James Gregor]] have argued that syndicalism played an important role in shaping early Italian Fascism. The definitions of "left" and "right" are themselves quite fluid. There are a number of [[conservatism|conservative]] and [[libertarianism|libertarian]] scholars who argue that fascism was actually a left-wing movement - among them [[Friedrich Hayek]], [[Ludwig von Mises]], and [[John T. Flynn]]. Their argument is based on a view of the political spectrum that equates "left" with support for increased government power and "right" with opposition to the same. Under this view, fascism would be left-wing and anarchism, for example, would be right-wing. However, there are [[Political spectrum#Multiplicity of interpretation of the left-right axis|many other competing interpretations of the left-right spectrum]]. In recent decades, a large number of [[Political spectrum#Multi-axis models|multi-axis political charts]] have emerged, in an attempt to correct the perceived shortcomings of the one-dimensional left-right spectrum. Most of these charts use two axes that are meant to measure two independent variables, though some add a third axis as well. Depending on the variables used, fascism has been placed in various positions on these charts. The [[Political spectrum#Eysenck: Left-Right, Tough-Tender|Eysenck model]] considers that fascism lies at the intersection of moderate conservatism with extreme tough-mindedness. The [[political compass]] marks fascism as extremely authoritarian in its social outlook but only moderately right-wing in its economic policies. The [[Nolan chart]] places fascism in the extreme populist corner, slightly offset towards conservatism. And on the [[Pournelle chart]], fascism appears as the combination of strong statism and strong irrationalism. ==Fascism and Nazism== [[Nazism]], the political movement led by [[Adolf Hitler]] in [[Germany]], is widely viewed as a form of fascism. The Nazis shared the extreme [[nationalism]], [[militarism]], [[corporatism]], [[anti-communism]] of the Italian Fascists, and Hitler admired Mussolini, going as far as to copy the [[Roman salute]] used by Italian Fascists and make it the basis of the [[Nazi salute]]. However, the Nazis added [[racism]] and [[anti-Semitism]] to the original fascist ideas. The Italian Fascists were not interested in racism at first but by the 1930s adopted staunch [[white supremacist]] doctrine in Italian African colonies and [[white supremacism]].<ref>Sarti, Roland. 1974. The Ax Within: Italian Fascism in Action. New York: New Viewpoints. p189.</ref> Italian Fascism responded to Hitler's rise to power and need for alliance with Germany by increasingly adopting anti-Semitic rhetoric and eventually policy. In 1936, Mussolini made his first written denounciation of Jews by claiming that anti-Semitism had only arisen because Jews had become too predominant in the positions of power of countries and claimed that Jews were a "ferocious" tribe who sought to "totally banish" Christians from public life.<ref>Sarti, p199.</ref> In 1937, Fascist member [[Paolo Orano]] criticized the [[Zionist]] movement as being part of British foreign policy which designed to secure British hold of the area without respecting the Christian and Muslim presence in [[Palestine]]. On the matter of Jewish Italians, Orano said that they "should concern themselves with nothing more than their religion" and not bother boasting of being patriotic Italians.<ref>Sarti, p200.</ref> In 1938 under pressure from Nazi Germany, Mussolini made the regime adopt a policy of [[anti-Semitism]], which was extremely unpopular in Italy and in the Fascist Party itself. As a result of the laws, the Fascist regime lost its propaganda director, [[Margherita Sarfatti]], who was Jewish and had been Mussolini's mistress. A minority of Fascists were pleased with anti-Semitic policy such as [[Roberto Farinacci]] who claimed that Jews through intrigue had taken control key positions of finance, business and schools and he noted that Jews sympathized with Ethiopia during Italy's war with it and that Jews had sympathized with [[Republican Spain]] during the [[Spanish Civil War]].<ref>Sarti, p198.</ref> In its alliance with Nazi Germany, the Fascist regime aided the Nazis in the deportation of Jews to [[concentration camp]]s, labour camps, and extermination camps during [[the Holocaust]]. Italy itself established a number of concentration and internment camps across its held territories, but these camps were not like those of Nazi Germany, as families were allowed to stay together and there was no campaign of deliberate mass murder as what was happening in German held territory.[http://www.edwardvictor.com/Holocaust/italy_main.htm] Italian Fascism and German Nazism were loyal allies in World War II, but this had not always been so. In the early 1930s there were tensions between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany over the increasing possibility of an Austria-Germany merger ([[Anschluss]]), which would create a more powerful [[Grossdeutschland|Greater Germany]]. In 1934, the [[Austrofascism|Austrofascist]] Chancellor of Austria, [[Engelbert Dollfuß]], was assassinated by Austrian Nazis, who acted on behalf of Hitler. Furthermore, the [[Spain|Spanish]] dictator [[Francisco Franco]], who is often considered a fascist, remained neutral in World War II. Hitler had supported Franco in his rise to power during the [[Spanish Civil War]], and Franco was sympathetic to the [[Axis Powers|Axis]], but he refused Hitler's pleas for military assistance. This situation, together with the period of hostility between Italy and Germany noted above, is sometimes used to support the view that fascist regimes are not natural allies, and that they each tend to follow their own separate interests. ==Fascism and conservatism== One of the many controversies regarding the nature of fascism is its relationship to traditional authority and [[conservatism|conservative]] ideology. Fascists often claimed to defend the social order, traditional values, national culture and civilization itself, against the forces of [[modernity]] (particularly liberalism and socialism). At the same time, fascists claimed to offer a radically new approach to politics, and a new form of government that could reshape society.<ref>Joseph A. Leighton, ''"Social Philosophies in Conflict"'', [[D. Appleton-Century Company]], 1937. pg. 32</ref> Thus, fascism attempted to be both conservative and radical. Benito Mussolini embraced this superficially-contradictory formulation, saying ''"I am a [[reactionary]] and a [[revolutionary]]."''<ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', [[Harper & Row]], 1967. pg 2</ref> [[World War I]] produced a great deal of social change in Europe and led to the dissolution of most traditional monarchies, including the [[German Empire]], [[Austria-Hungary]] and [[Tsarist Russia]]. Conservatism, which drew its strongest supporters from the political, economic and intellectual elites in pre-war Europe, found itself in crisis. The established elites in Central and Eastern Europe were weakened or rendered powerless by the introduction of [[universal suffrage]], the collapse of traditional social hierarchies, and the creation of nation-states in place of the old multinational empires. At the same time, many segments of the population - particularly the rural peasantry and the skilled professionals - felt threatened by the prospect of [[industrialization]], increased [[social mobility]] or the creation of a [[welfare state]]. Following the [[Bolshevik Revolution]], many also felt there was a real possibility that the [[working class]] might rise up in a [[communism|communist]] insurrection. Normally, those segments of the population would have rallied behind traditional conservatism, but with traditional conservative parties severely weakened in the aftermath of the war, there was a political vacuum on the right.<ref>Kevin Passmore, ''"Fascism: A Very Short Introduction"'', Oxford University Press, 2002. Chapter 6.</ref> This political vacuum was filled by the rising fascist movements. They gained power and support from older conservative classes, and in some cases received direct approval from the traditional conservative parties.<ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', Harper & Row, 1967. pg 2</ref> The conservative British newspaper ''[[The Daily Mail]]'' published a lead article in 1934 under the title ''"The [[British Union of Fascists|Blackshirts]] have what the Conservatives need"''.<ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', Harper & Row, 1967. pg 1</ref> The rise to power of the Italian Fascists and German Nazis was largely funded and supported by aristocratic landlords, wealthy industrialists, army officers, and other groups with strong conservative leanings. The fascists gathered this support by successfully presenting themselves as the last line of defense against [[liberal democracy]], land reform, demilitarization and the collectivization of the means of production. <ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', Harper & Row, 1967. pg 4</ref> Thus, many traditional conservatives were persuaded that fascism was the only realistic alternative to liberalism and socialism. A French businessman remarked in 1935, ''"better Hitler than [[Léon Blum]]"''. <ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', Harper & Row, 1967. pg 5</ref> Fascism did not rely solely on the support of traditional conservative elites. It was also a mass movement, drawing its rank-and-file members from the general population, particularly the lower middle class, skilled professionals, and the peasantry. Many of these people did not come from conservative backgrounds; some of them had been strongly influenced by [[classical liberalism]].<ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', Harper & Row, 1967. pg 5</ref> To its voters, fascism presented itself as a form of ''new'' and even ''revolutionary'' conservatism that could reconcile the interests of the elite with those of the common man. Fascist ideology emphasized the concept of [[class collaboration]], which held that social inequality and hierarchy could be beneficial to rich and poor alike. The fascist model of the [[corporatism|corporate state]] was decidedly different from traditional monarchy, yet claimed to be based on the same fundamental principles. Adolf Hitler expressed the Nazi view of politics, in 1937, as follows: {{cquote|The main plank in our program is to abolish the liberal concept of the individual and the [[Marxism|Marxist]] concept of humanity, and to substitute for them the ''[[Volk]]'' community, rooted in the soil and united by the bond of its common blood.<ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', Harper & Row, 1967. pg 9</ref>}} ==Fascism and totalitarianism== {{main|Totalitarianism}} [[Totalitarianism]] is a term used in [[political science]] to refer to an ideology or organization that aims to control every aspect of life. For technological reasons, totalitarianism became an issue only recently. Before the 20th century, communications were not fast enough to allow a central government to collect information on a large number of its citizens in real time, the [[mass media]] was not developed enough to allow the existence of all-pervasive [[propaganda]], and weapons were not effective enough to allow a relatively small number of armed soldiers to control a much bigger unarmed population. In the 20th century those technological barriers fell, and totalitarian government became a possibility. Many authors have argued that totalitarian governments existed in the 20th century, though there is disagreement on ''which'' governments were totalitarian and which ideologies created them. [[Nazism]] and [[Stalinism]] are the two ideologies most often considered to be totalitarian, and [[Hitler]] and [[Stalin]] are the two people most often given as examples of totalitarian leaders. They both held absolute power in their countries and had [[personality cult]]s built around them. They both used similar means - extreme forms of [[censorship]], [[police state]] tactics, and [[mass murder]]. In the early 1920s, [[Joseph Goebbels]] and [[Otto Strasser]] regarded Stalinism as a Russian form of Nazism and wanted to form an alliance with the Soviet Union.<ref>''The Rise of the Nazis'', Conan Fischer, Manchester University Press (2002), ISBN 0-7190-6067-2, p. 60</ref> However, Hitler rejected their proposal at a Nazi Party meeting in February 1926. Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union did form a mutually beneficial [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact|non-aggression pact]] just before the Second World War, but Germany later broke the agreement and invaded the Soviet Union. [[Hannah Arendt]], in ''[[The Origins of Totalitarianism]]'' (1951), was the first author to give a lengthy description of a form of government called "totalitarianism", and she asserted that the governments of [[Nazi Germany]] and Stalin's [[Soviet Union]] fell under this category. However, she believed that Fascist Italy had not been totalitarian, but merely a traditional form of [[dictatorship]] which did not submit the state to the party. Other authors, such as [[Karl Popper]], included Fascist Italy in their list of totalitarian governments. [[Eric Hoffer]] claims that mass movements like Communism, Fascism and Nazism had a common trait in picturing Western democracies and their values as decadent, with people "too soft, too pleasure-loving and too selfish" to sacrifice for a higher cause, which for them implies an inner moral and biological decay. He further argues that those movements offered the prospect of a glorious, yet imaginary, future to frustrated people, enabling them to find a refuge from the lack of personal accomplishments in their individual existence. Individual is then assimilated into a compact collective body and a "fact-proof screens from reality" are established.<ref>Eric Hoffer, ''The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements'', Harper Perennial Modern Classics (2002), ISBN 0060505915, p.61, 163</ref> There is an ongoing debate on whether all fascist governments and [[Communist state]]s can be considered totalitarian, or whether only some of them fit this description. It has been argued, for example, that the Soviet Union ceased to be totalitarian soon after Stalin's death. There are also critics of the notion of totalitarianism, who argue that the label "totalitarian" is too vague and tries to bring together governments that use similar methods but have little else in common. [[Primo Levi]], for instance, argued that there was an important distinction between the policies of Nazi Germany and those of the Soviet Union or the [[People's Republic of China]]: while they all had their idea of what kind of parasitic classes or races society ought to be rid of, and they all used similar means to dispose of them, Levi saw that they identified their targets by very different criteria. The Nazis assigned a place given by birth (since one is born into a certain race), while the Soviets and Chinese determined their enemies according to their social position (which people may change within their life). Therefore, in Levi's view, revolutionary communists would accept the son or daughter of a wealthy capitalist as a productive member of society if he agreed to change his original social position and oppose capitalism; but to the Nazis, one born a Jew will always remain a Jew, and he is a parasite who must be disposed of.{{Fact|date=April 2007}} However, according to [[Michel Foucault]], in the 19th century the [[essentialist]] notion of the "race" was incorporated by [[racism|racists]], [[biologists]], and [[eugenicists]], who gave it the modern sense of "biological race" which was then integrated to "[[state racism]]". On the other hand, [[Marxists]] transformed the notions of the "race" and the "race struggle" into the concept of "[[class struggle]]."<ref>In a letter to [[Friedrich Engels]] in 1882 [[Karl Marx]] wrote: ''You know very well where we found our idea of class struggle; we found it in the work of the French historians who talked about the race struggle.'' - quoted in ''Society Must be Defended'' by Michel Foucault (trans. David Macey), London: Allen Lane, Penguin Press (1976, 2003), p. 79</ref> The theme of social war provides overriding principle that connects the class struggle and the race struggle. For Foucault, these concepts are neither independently derived ideologies nor alternate persuasive views; their [[etymology]] is one and the same.<ref>Ann Laura Stoler, ''Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault's "History of Sexuality" and the Colonial Order of Things '', Duke University Press (1995), p.71</ref> ==Fascism, capitalism and socialism== Fascism itself, as an ideology, is not concerned with economics, and fascist governments have often sought the advice of professional economists who were not fascists. For instance, [[Hjalmar Schacht]], the first Minister of Economics of Nazi Germany, was never a member of the Nazi Party. Nevertheless, there has been much debate surrounding the [[economics of fascism|economic policies supported by fascists]], and whether they were [[capitalism|capitalist]], [[socialism|socialist]], or something else entirely. <ref> David Baker, "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227 - 250</ref> Fascists themselves usually claimed to reject traditional forms of both capitalism and socialism. They argued that the implementation of fascist ideas into the economic sphere would represent a "[[third way]]", and they favoured [[corporatism]] and [[class collaboration]]. They believed that the existence of inequality and separate [[social class]]es was beneficial (contrary to the views of socialists)<ref name = "Mussolini">{{cite encyclopedia| year = 1932| title = The Doctrine of Fascism| encyclopedia = [[Enciclopedia Italiana]]| publisher = ''Istituto Giovanni Treccani''| location = [[Rome]]}} "[Fascism] affirms the irremediable, fruitful and beneficent inequality of men"</ref>, but they also argued that the state had a role in mediating relations between these classes (contrary to the views of liberal capitalists). In essence, fascists supported state-enforced inequality, which is opposed by liberal capitalists because it is state-enforced and opposed by socialists because it is inequality. However, many opponents of fascism contend that fascist economic policies were not unique as the fascists claimed, but rather fell within the bounds of existing economic systems. The term "Nazism" is an abbreviation for "National Socialism", and Nazis described their views as "socialist", though they strongly rejected all previous forms of socialism and particularly opposed [[Marxism]] and [[communism]], calling them "[[Jewish]] ideologies". Whether the word "socialism" in "National Socialism" was an honest description or merely [[propaganda]] meant to attract the votes of workers is a matter of debate, and different authors have reached different conclusions. [[Conan Fischer]] argues that the Nazis were sincere in their use of the adjective "socialist", but they believed it to be inseparable from the adjective "national" and meant it as a socialism of the [[master race]], rather than the socialism of the "underprivileged and oppressed seeking justice and equal rights".<ref>''The Rise of the Nazis'', Conan Fischer, Manchester University Press (2002), ISBN 0-7190-6067-2, p.53</ref> On the other hand, [[Henry A. Turner]] argues that Hitler was a convinced anti-socialist and that the Nazis were merely nationalists using the adjective "socialist" out of convenience.<ref>Henry A. Turner, ''"German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler"'', Oxford University Press, 1985. p.60-61 & 76</ref> The Nazi Party did not have a clear economic program, and different groups within the Party had different and often contradictory views regarding economic policy. Some claimed to be on the side of workers, others claimed to be on the side of business, and there were many who said different things at different times.<ref>Henry A. Turner, ''"German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler"'', Oxford University Press, 1985. pg 60-69</ref> Hitler tolerated this confusion because he personally believed that the economy was unimportant<ref>Henry A. Turner, ''"German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler"'', Oxford University Press, 1985. pg 71</ref> and because he hoped that he could gather support from opposing interest groups if the Nazis told each group what they wanted to hear.<ref>Henry A. Turner, ''"German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler"'', Oxford University Press, 1985. pg 83</ref> At first, Hitler tried to provide a definition for the "socialism" of "National Socialism" that would make a socialist identical to a nationalist. Thus, in a speech given in 1922, Hitler said: {{cquote|Whoever is prepared to make the national cause his own to such an extent that he knows no higher ideal than the welfare of his nation, whoever in addition has understood our great national anthem, ''[[Deutschland, Deutschland über alles]]'', to mean that nothing in the world surpasses in his eyes this German people and land, land and people - that man is a socialist.<ref>Joseph A. Leighton, ''"Social Philosophies in Conflict"'', D. Appleton-Century Company, 1937. pg 32</ref>}} Also in 1922, Hitler explained his use of the words "national" and "social" by claiming that they referred to the same concept; that any support for "the people" (implied by the word "social") had to come in the form of support for a specific nation or national community: {{cquote|'National' and 'Social' are two identical conceptions. It was only the Jew who succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea from the national, but in actually representing them as utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved. At the founding of this Movement we formed the decision that we would give expression to this idea of ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe, on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it ''National Socialist.'' We said to ourselves that to be 'national' means above everything to act with a boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social' means so to build up the state and the community of the people that every individual acts in the interest of the community of the people and must be to such an extent convinced of the goodness, of the honorable straightforwardness of this community of the people as to be ready to die for it.<ref>"The speeches of Adolf Hitler April 1922-August 1939", speech made on April 12, 1922 in Munich</ref>}} Hitler did not believe that "humanity" was a meaningful concept. In his view, different nations had opposing interests that could only be resolved by armed conflict. He believed that any kind of policy was always in the interest of one nation or another - never in the interests of several nations at once. Thus, he did not believe that it was possible to support the common interests of humanity, as the Marxist socialists claimed to do, because he argued that such common interests did not exist.<ref>John Weiss, ''"The Fascist Tradition"'', Harper & Row, 1967. pg 9</ref> According to historian Henry A. Turner, Hitler grew more cynical later in life, abandoning his attempt to redefine socialism and expressing regret for having integrated the word "Socialist" into the Party name. At a meeting of Nazi leaders in 1929, Hitler said: {{cquote|Socialism! That is an unfortunate word altogether. [...] What does socialism really mean? If people have something to eat and their pleasures, then they have their socialism.<ref>Henry A. Turner, ''"German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler"'', Oxford University Press, 1985. pg 77</ref>}} Marxists advocate solidarity between members of the same social class (regardless of nation) and believe that conflict between different classes is a positive force. Fascism and Nazism hold the reverse view: they advocate solidarity between members of the same nation (regardless of class), and believe that conflict between different nations is a positive force. For example, Hitler frequently made calls for unity among all Germans regardless of class,<ref>''The Rise of the Nazis'', Conan Fischer, Manchester University Press (2002), ISBN 0-7190-6067-2, p.154</ref> while arguing that inequality was natural.<ref>"In general I must estimate the worth of nations differently, on the basis of the different races from which they spring, and I must also differentiate in estimating the worth of the individual within his own race. The principle, that one people is not the same as another, applies also to the individual members of a national community. No one brain, for instance, is equal to another; because the constituent elements belonging to the same blood vary in a thousand subtle details, though they are fundamentally of the same quality." Adolf Hitler, ''Mein Kampf'', Volume II, Chapter IV</ref> Support for Nazism was to be found in all segments of the population - approximately 40 percent of NSDAP members and voters came from the working class, while the majority came from the middle class and consisted largely of white-collar employees. Some commentators argue that there is a link between fascism and socialism. For example, [[Zeev Sternhell]] argues that fascism contained technocratic and managerial elements rooted in a national, anti-Marxist socialism, and that it sought "to adapt socialism to modern conditions".<ref>Zeev Sternhell, ''[http://www.coloradocollege.edu/dept/PS/Finley/PS425/reading/Sternhell.html Fascist Ideology]'', in Walter Laqueur (ed.), ''Fascism: A Reader's Guide'', Berkeley: University of California Press (1976), p. 315-76.</ref> Sternhell also argues that fascism "never questioned the idea that market forces and private property were part of the natural order of things".<ref>Zeev Sternhell, ''"The Birth of Fascist Ideology"'', Princeton University Press, 1994. pg 7</ref> Fascists often expressed their support for private enterprise. However, they also asserted the right of the government to use coercive power, if necessary, to force private owners to act in accordance with the "national interest". David S. Pena argues that the Italian fascists used this doctrine to command the Italian economy while maintaining private property.<ref>David S. Pena, ''Economic Barbarism and Managerialism'', Greenwood Press (2000), ISBN 031331469, p.38-39</ref>. The Italian Charter of Labour, introduced by the fascists, contained the following statement: {{cquote|The corporate State considers that private enterprise in the sphere of production is the most effective and useful instrument in the interest of the nation. In view of the fact that private organisation of production is a function of national concern, the organiser of the enterprise is responsible to the State for the direction given to production.''<ref>Benito Mussolini, 1935, ''Fascism: Doctrine and Institutions, Rome'', 'Ardita' Publishers. p. 135</ref>}} [[Libertarianism|Libertarian]] economists of the [[Austrian School]] define "socialism" as an ideology which aims at constructing a society in which the means of production are socialized,<ref>[[Ludwig von Mises]], ''[http://www.mises.org/books/socialism/contents.aspx] [[Socialism: An Economic and Sociological Analysis]]'', Yale University Press edition (1951), Preface to the second German edition</ref> and argue that [[Nazi Germany]] and [[Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946)#Fascism|Fascist Italy]] were socialist countries according to this definition. [[Austrian School]] economist [[Ludwig von Mises]] claims that the transfer of the means of production from private to state ownership does not have to be formal, but that "if the State takes the power of disposal from the owner piecemeal, by extending its influence over production; if its power to determine what direction production shall take and what kind of production there shall be, is increased, then the owner is left with nothing except the empty name of ownership, and property has passed into the hands of the State." Ludwig von Mises and [[Friedrich Hayek]] focus on the measures taken by the governments of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to combat the effects of the [[Great Depression]]. Both countries engaged in very strong collusion between business and government, with the result that businessmen had a degree of control over state policy and the state had a degree of control over the economy. Using this mechanism, Fascists and Nazis were able to fix prices, determine the level of wages, and put up barriers to entry in important markets (so as to give their business allies the power to form [[oligopoly|oligopolies]] or [[monopoly|monopolies]]). Also, Fascists and Nazis placed high [[tariff]]s on imported goods, for the purpose of achieving economic self-sufficiency ([[autarky]]), which would enable them to wage war without fear of international economic sanctions. Hayek and von Mises saw most of these policies as being socialist, because they exercise what they believed to be excessive control over the means or production. The accuracy of that description depends on one's definition of "socialism". As noted above, Austrian economists equate socialism with economic [[statism]]. However, this definition is rejected by all self-described socialists; they typically only support state interventions that are seen as promoting [[egalitarianism|equality]] or advancing the interests of the [[working class]]. They are particularly opposed to the government granting favors to big business. Some socialists (e.g. [[libertarian socialism|libertarian socialists]]) oppose the state altogether. Meanwhile, other commentators argue that fascist economic policies were essentially capitalist - perhaps even more so than the policies of other nations in the same time period. These views are usually based on the fact that fascism had a very close relationship with [[big business]]: fascist leaders often received significant financial support from business leaders and passed laws to the benefit of large companies. Fascists also banned [[strike action|strikes]] and [[trade union]]s, and imprisoned or executed socialist leaders. Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy started a war against the Soviet Union with the aim of destroying communism. Hitler despised [[Karl Marx]] as a [[Jew]] and condemned [[Marxism]] as a ''Judeo-Bolshevist'' [[Conspiracy (political)|conspiracy]], pledging to block its rise in [[Germany]]. He believed that the nation's downfall was due to Marxism and its Jewish influence. These actions prompted some prominent conservatives and capitalists to fund and support the Nazis because they saw them as a bulwark against communism. When the Nazis worked in close collaboration with [[big business]], frequently at the expense of both [[small business]] and the [[working class]], this was seen by most socialists as a highly capitalist economic policy. The economic interventions of the Nazi government, which were often designed to consolidate social inequality, were likewise seen as capitalist by those on the political left. The high tariffs and trade barriers imposed by the Nazi government had been a common feature of conservative economic policy in Europe for several centuries. Industries and trusts were not nationalized in Nazi Germany, with the exception of private rail lines (nationalised in the late 1930s to meet military contingencies). The only private holdings that were expropriated were those belonging to [[Jew]]s. These holdings were then sold or awarded to businessmen who supported the Nazis and satisfied their ethnic and racial policies. Military production and even film production remained in the hands of private industries whilst serving the Nazi government, and many private companies flourished during the Nazi period. The Nazis never interfered with the profits made by such large German firms as [[Krupp]], [[Siemens AG]], and [[IG Farben]]. Georgi Dimitrov developed the idea promoted by the [[Comintern|Communist International]] that fascism is "the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital." Fascists themselves, and some of their supporters, have made statements advocating private property, individual initiative, and market economics. In 1923, soon after he was appointed as Prime Minister, Benito Mussolini promised that ''"the government will accord full freedom to private enterprise and will abandon all intervention in private economy."'' However, once Mussolini acquired a firmer hold of power after 1926, "[[laissez-faire]] was progressively abandoned in in favour of government intervention, free trade was replaced by protection[ism] and economic objectives were increasingly couched in exhortations and military terminology."<ref>Patricia Knight, ''Mussolini and Fascism'', Routledge 2003 page 64</ref> During the first four years of the new regime, from 1922 to 1925, Mussolini allowed Finance Minister [[Alberto De Stefani]] to pursue a generally laissez-faire economic policy.<ref>William G. Welk, ''"Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment"'', Harvard University Press, 1938. pg 163</ref> Some state assets were privatized, and [[inheritance tax]] was abolished along with other direct taxes.<ref>William G. Welk, ''"Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment"'', Harvard University Press, 1938. pg 160</ref> However, De Stefani was replaced with [[Giuseppe Volpi]] in 1925, and from then on laissez-faire and free trade were progressively abandoned in favor of [[corporatism]]. The Italian government increasingly promoted monopolies and partnerships between private companies and the state, and Benito Mussolini continued to make statements in support of private property and private enterprise, claiming that his principles had not changed. For instance, in 1934, he proclaimed that ''"Corporative economy respects the principle of private property. Private property completes human personality."''<ref>Benito Mussolini, quoted in ''The Corporate State in Action'' (pg. 115) by Carl T. Schmidt, Oxford University Press, 1939.</ref> By 1939, Italy had the highest percentage of state-owned enterprises after the [[Soviet Union]].<ref>Patricia Knight, ''Mussolini and Fascism'', Routledge (UK), ISBN 0-415-27921-6, p. 64-65</ref> Regarding the issue of free market economic arrangements, Italian Fascists made ambiguous and sometimes contradictory statements. On the one hand, Italian Fascist politician [[Alfredo Rocco]] stressed the primacy of "economic liberty" in the Italian form of fascism: {{cquote|Fascism maintains that in the ordinary run of events economic liberty serves the social purposes best; that it is profitable to entrust to individual initiative the task of economic development both as to production and as to distribution; that in the economic world individual ambition is the most effective means for obtaining the best social results with the least effort.<ref>Alfredo Rocco, ''International Conciliation'', 1926, pg. 404.</ref>}} On the other hand, Benito Mussolini stated in ''[[Doctrine of Fascism|The Doctrine of Fascism]]'' that fascism is opposed to economic liberalism: {{cquote|Fascism is definitely and absolutely opposed to the doctrines of liberalism, both in the political and economic sphere. ... The Fascist State lays claim to rule in the economic field no less than in others; it makes its action felt throughout the length and breadth of the country by means of its corporate, social, and educational institutions, and all the political, economic, and spiritual forces of the nation, organised in their respective associations, circulate within the State.}} ==Which governments were fascist?== {{main|Fascism as an international phenomenon}} As noted [[Fascism and ideology#Difficulties arising from the definition|above]], fascism is not well defined. As a result, the identification of specific countries and governments as "fascist" is nearly always controversial. The only example of a fascist regime that can be considered entirely uncontroversial is [[Italian fascism|Fascist Italy]]. Besides this one, a variety of other countries have been considered fascist by their supporters or opponents in the years leading up to and including World War II. Among these countries were [[Imperial Japan]], [[Spain]] under [[Francisco Franco]], [[Portugal]] under [[António de Oliveira Salazar]], [[Croatia]] under the [[Ustaše]], [[Hungary]] under [[Miklós Horthy]], and [[Romania]] under the [[Iron Guard]]. ==Neo-fascism== Contemporary neo-fascism and allegations of neo-fascism are covered in a number of other articles rather than on this page: *[[Neo-fascism]] *[[Neo-Nazism]] *[[Neofascism and religion]] For information related to neo-fascism in the United States, see also: [[Christian Identity]]; [[Creativity Movement]]; [[National Alliance (United States)|National Alliance]]; [[American Nazi Party]]; [[William Luther Pierce]]; [[George Lincoln Rockwell]]. For information related to neo-fascism in Europe, see: [[Alain de Benoist]]; [[Nouvelle Droite]]; [[GRECE]]. ==See also== * [[Fascism]] * [[Definitions of fascism]] * [[Economics of fascism]] * [[Fascio]] (usage 1890s to [[World War I]]) *''[[Doctrine of Fascism]]'' *''[[The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle]]'' * [[George Seldes]], early reporter of US fascism. * [[Horst-Wessel-Lied]], a German song that encapsulates much of Fascist ideology. * [[Fascist symbolism]] * [[Japanese nationalism]], Japanese radical Right-Nationalist ideology * [[The New Deal and corporatism]] ==References== <references/> ==General bibliography== * [[Renzo De Felice|De Felice, Renzo]] ''Interpretations of Fascism'', translated by Brenda Huff Everett, Cambridge ; London : Harvard University Press, 1977 ISBN 0-674-45962-8. *Hughes, H. Stuart. 1953. ''The United States and Italy.'' Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. * Payne, Stanley G. 1995. ''A History of Fascism, 1914-45''. Madison, Wisc.: University of Wisconsin Press ISBN 0-299-14874-2 *Eatwell, Roger. 1996. ''Fascism: A History.'' New York: Allen Lane. ===Bibliography on Fascist ideology=== * [[Renzo De Felice|De Felice, Renzo]] ''Fascism : an informal introduction to its theory and practice, an interview with Michael Ledeen'', New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Books, 1976 ISBN 0-87855-190-5. * [[Walter Laqueur|Laqueur, Walter]]. 1966. ''Fascism: Past, Present, Future,'' New York: Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996. * [[Roger Griffin|Griffin, Roger]]. 2000. "Revolution from the Right: Fascism," chapter in David Parker (ed.) ''Revolutions and the Revolutionary Tradition in the West 1560-1991'', Routledge, London. * Baker, David, "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" New Political Economy, Volume 11, Issue 2 June 2006 , pages 227 - 250 * [[J. Salwyn Schapiro|Schapiro, J. Salwyn]]. 1949. ''Liberalism and The Challenge of Fascism, Social Forces in England and France (1815-1870).'' New York: McGraw-Hill. *Laclau, Ernesto. 1977. ''Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory: Capitalism, Fascism, Populism.'' London: NLB/Atlantic Highlands Humanities Press. * [[Zeev Sternhell|Sternhell, Zeev]] with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri. [1989] 1994. ''The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution.'', Trans. David Maisei. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. *Fritzsche, Peter. 1990. ''Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany''. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-505780-5 *Gentile, Emilio. 2002. ''Fascismo. Storia ed interpretazione'' . Roma-Bari: Giuseppe Laterza & Figli. ===Bibliography on international fascism=== * [[Kevin Coogan|Coogan, Kevin]]. 1999. ''Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International''. Brooklyn, N.Y.: Autonomedia. * Griffin, Roger. 1991. ''The Nature of Fascism''. New York: St. Martin’s Press. * Paxton, Robert O. 2004. ''The Anatomy of Fascism''. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. * [[Eugen Weber|Weber, Eugen]]. [1964] 1982. ''Varieties of Fascism: Doctrines of Revolution in the Twentieth Century,'' New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company, (Contains chapters on fascist movements in different countries.) ==Further reading== * [[George Seldes|Seldes, George]]. 1935. ''Sawdust Caesar: The Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism''. New York and London: Harper and Brothers. * [[Wilhelm Reich|Reich, Wilhelm]]. 1970. ''The Mass Psychology of Fascism''. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. * [[Emilo Gentile|Gentile, Emilo]]. 2003. ''The Struggle for Modernity: Nationalism, Futurism, and Fascism.'' Praeger Publishers. ISBN 0-275-97692-0 * [[Edwin Black|Black, Edwin]]. 2001. [http://www.ibmandtheholocaust.com/home.php ''IBM and the Holocaust: The Strategic Alliance between Nazi Germany and America's Most Powerful Corporation''] Crown. ISBN 0-609-60799-5 ==External links== {{wikiquote}} * [http://www.worldfuturefund.org/wffmaster/Reading/Germany/mussolini.htm The Doctrine of Fascism by Benito Mussolini (complete text)] * [http://www.dkrenton.co.uk/research/polecon.htm The Political Economy of Fascism - From Dave Renton's anti-fascist website] * [http://www.wzo.org.il/en/resources/view.asp?id=585 Fascism and Zionism - From The Hagshama Department - World Zionist Organization] * [http://www.rationalrevolution.net/articles/understanding_fascism.htm Fascism Part I - Understanding Fascism and Anti-Semitism] * [http://www.themodernword.com/eco/eco_blackshirt.html Eternal Fascism: Fourteen Ways of Looking at a Blackshirt] - [[Umberto Eco]]'s list of 14 characteristics of Fascism, originally published 1995. * [http://www.fascismoeliberta.net/ Site of an Italian fascist party] Italian and German languages * [http://www.metaxas-project.com/ Site dedicated to the period of fascism in Greece (1936-1941)] *Text of the papal encyclical [http://www.papalencyclicals.net/Pius11/P11QUADR.HTM ''Quadragesimo Anno'']. * [http://www.historycooperative.org/journals/llt/51/pauwels.html Profits über Alles! American Corporations and Hitler] by Jacques R. Pauwels <!-- Categorization --> [[Category:Fascism]] [[Category:Ideologies]]