Mihail Kogălniceanu 409510 226032532 2008-07-16T15:02:30Z Dahn 531961 /* Ad-hoc Divan */ {{otheruses}} {{Infobox_Prime Minister | name =Mihail Kogălniceanu | nationality =[[Moldavia]]n, [[Romania]]n | smallimage = | image =Mihail Kogalniceanu utexas.jpg | caption = | order =[[List of Prime Ministers of Romania|Prime Minister of Romania]] | term_start =[[October 11]], [[1863]] | term_end =[[January 26]], [[1865]] | vicepresident = | deputy = | predecessor =[[Nicolae Kretzulescu]] | successor =[[Nicolae Kretzulescu]] | order2 =[[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Affairs Minister of Romania]] | term_start2 =[[April 27]], [[1876]] – [[July 23]], [[1876]]<br>[[April 3]], [[1877]] | term_end2 =[[November 24]], [[1878]] | predecessor2 =[[Dimitrie Cornea]]<br>[[Nicolae Ionescu]] | successor2 =[[Nicolae Ionescu]]<br>[[Ion C. Câmpineanu]] | order3 =[[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Internal Affairs Minister of Romania]] | term_start3 =[[October 11]], [[1863]] – [[January 26]], [[1865]]<br>[[November 16]], [[1868]] – [[January 24]], [[1870]]<br>[[November 17]], [[1878]] – [[November 25]], [[1878]]<br>[[July 11]], [[1879]] | term_end3 =[[April 17]], [[1880]] | predecessor3 =[[Nicolae Kretzulescu]]<br>[[Anton I. Arion]]<br>[[C. A. Rosetti]]<br>[[Ion Brătianu]] | successor3 =[[Constantin Bosianu]]<br>[[Dimitrie Ghica]]<br>[[Ion Brătianu]]<br>[[Ion Brătianu]] | birth_date ={{birth date|1817|9|6|mf=y}} | birth_place =[[Iaşi]], [[Moldavia]] | death_date ={{death date and age|1891|7|1|1817|9|6|mf=y}} | death_place =[[Paris]], [[France]] | constituency = | party =[[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal Party]] | spouse =Ecaterina Jora | profession =historian, journalist, literary critic | religion =[[Romanian Orthodox Church|Romanian Orthodox]] | signature = Signature of Mihail Kogalniceanu.png | footnotes = |}} '''Mihail Kogălniceanu''' ([[September 6]], [[1817]]&ndash;[[July 1]], [[1891]]) was a [[Moldavia]]n-born [[Romania]]n [[Liberalism|liberal]] statesman, lawyer, historian and publicist; he became [[Prime Minister of Romania]] [[October 11]], [[1863]], after the union of the [[Danubian Principalities]] under ''[[Domnitor]]'' [[Alexander John Cuza]], and later served as [[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Minister]] under [[Carol I of Romania|Carol I]]. He was several times [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Interior Minister]] under Cuza and Carol. A [[polymath]], Kogălniceanu was one of the most influential Romanian [[intellectual]]s of his generation. Siding with the moderate [[Liberalism and radicalism in Romania|liberal current]] for most of his lifetime, he began his political career as a collaborator of [[List of rulers of Moldavia|Prince]] [[Mihail Sturdza]], while serving as head of the [[National Theatre Iaşi|Iaşi Theater]] and issuing several publications together with the poet [[Vasile Alecsandri]] and the activist [[Ion Ghica]]. After editing the highly influential magazine ''[[Dacia Literară]]'' and serving as a professor at ''[[Academia Mihăileană]]'', Kogălniceanu came into conflict with the authorities over his [[Romantic nationalism|Romantic nationalist]] [[Cuvânt pentru deschiderea cursului de istorie naţională|inaugural speech of 1843]]. He was the ideologue of the abortive [[1848 Moldavian revolution]], authoring its main document, ''[[Dorinţele partidei naţionale din Moldova]]''. Following the [[Crimean War]], with Prince [[Grigore Alexandru Ghica]], Kogălniceanu was responsible for drafting legislation to [[abolitionism|abolish]] [[Roma minority in Romania|Roma]] [[Slavery in Romania|slavery]]. Together with Alecsandri, he edited the unionist magazine ''[[Steaua Dunării]]'', played a prominent part during the elections for the [[ad-hoc Divan]], and successfully promoted Cuza, his lifelong friend, to the throne. Kogălniceanu advanced legislation to revoke [[Historical Romanian ranks and titles|traditional ranks and titles]], and to [[Secularization of monastery estates in Romania|secularize the property of monasteries]]. His efforts at [[land reform]] resulted in a [[Motion of non-confidence|censure vote]], leading Cuza to enforce them through a ''[[coup d'état]]'' in May 1864. However, Kogălniceanu resigned in 1865, following his own conflicts with the monarch. A decade after, he helped create the [[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal Party]], before playing an important part in Romania's decision to enter the [[Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878)|Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878]] &mdash; a choice which consecrated her independence. During his final years, he was a prominent member and one-time President of the [[Romanian Academy]], and briefly served as Romanian representative to [[France]]. ==Biography== ===Early life=== Born in [[Iaşi]], he belonged to the [[Kogălniceanu family]] of Moldavian [[boyar]]s, being the son of ''[[Vornic]]'' Ilie Kogălniceanu, and the great-grandson of [[Constantin Kogălniceanu]] (noted for having signed his name to a 1749 document issued by Prince [[Constantine Mavrocordatos]], through which [[serfdom]] was disestablished in Moldavia).<ref>Gorovei, p.6, 7, 8, 10</ref> Mihail's mother, Catinca née Stavilla (or Stavillă), was, according to Kogălniceanu's own words, "[from] a [[Romanians|Romanian]] family in [[Bessarabia]]".<ref>Gorovei, p.6</ref> The author took pride in noting that "my family has never searched its origins in foreign countries or peoples".<ref>Gorovei, p.6</ref> Nevetheless, in a speech he gave shortly before his death, Kogălniceanu commented that Catinca Stavilla had been the descendant of "a [[Republic of Genoa|Genoese]] family, settled for centuries in the Genoese colony of [[Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi|Cetatea Albă]] (Akerman), whence it then scattered throughout Bessarabia".<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> During Milhail Kogălniceanu's lifetime, there was confusion regarding his exact birth year, with several sources erroneously indicating it as 1806; in his speech to the [[Romanian Academy]], he acknowledged this, and gave his exact birth date as present in a register kept by his father.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> It was also then that he mentioned his [[Godparent|godmother]] was Marghioala Calimach, a [[Callimachi family|Callimachi]] boyaress who married into the [[Sturdza family]], and was the mother of [[Mihail Sturdza]] (Kogălniceanu's would-be protector and foe).<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Kogălniceanu was educated at [[Trei Ierarhi]] monastery in Iaşi, before being tutored by [[Gherman Vida]], a monk who belonged to the [[Transylvanian School]], and who was an associate of [[Gheorghe Şincai]].<ref>Anineanu, p.62; Gorovei, p.9</ref> He completed his primary education in [[Miroslava, Iaşi|Miroslava]], where he attended the Cuénim [[boarding school]].<ref>Anineanu, p.62; Gorovei, p.9; Maciu, p.66</ref> It was during this early period that he first met the poet [[Vasile Alecsandri]] (they studied under both Vida and Cuénim), [[Costache Negri]] and Cuza.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Anineanu, p.62; Gorovei, p.9; Maciu, p.66</ref> At the time, Kogălniceanu became a passionate student of history, beginning his investigations into old Moldavian [[chronicle]]s.<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref> With support from Prince Sturdza, Kogălniceanu continued his studies abroad, originally in the French city of [[Lunéville]] (where he was cared for by Sturdza's former tutor, the ''[[abbé]]'' Lhommé), and later at the [[Humboldt University of Berlin|University of Berlin]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; ''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9; Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> Among his colleagues was the future philosopher [[Grigore Sturdza]], the monarch's son.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Vianu, Vol.II, p.281</ref> His stay in Lunéville was cut short by the intervention of [[Russian Empire|Russian]] officials, who were supervising Moldavia under the provisions of the ''[[Regulamentul Organic]]'' regime, and who believed that, through the influence of Lhommé (a participant in the [[French Revolution]]), students were being infused with rebellious ideas; all Moldavian students, including Sturdza's sons and other noblemen, were withdrawn from the school in late 1835, and reassigned to [[Prussia]]n education institutions.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> <gallery> Image:Ilie Kogalniceanu.jpg|Ilie Kogălniceanu Image:Catinca Stavilla.jpg|Catinca Stavilla Image:Kogalniceanu youth.jpg|Mihail Kogălniceanu in his youth </gallery> ===In Berlin=== [[Image:OpernplatzUniversitaet1855.jpg|thumb|300px|The [[Humboldt University of Berlin|University of Berlin]] in 1855]] During his period in [[Berlin]], he came in contact with and was greatly influenced by [[Friedrich Carl von Savigny]], [[Alexander von Humboldt]], [[Eduard Gans]], and especially Professor [[Leopold von Ranke]],<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; ''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Vianu, Vol.II, p.273-277</ref> whose ideas on the necessity for politicians to be acquainted with historical science he readily adopted.<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref> In pages he dedicated to the influence exercised by [[Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel]] on Romanian thought, [[Tudor Vianu]] noted that certain [[Hegelianism|Hegelian]]-related principles were a common attribute of the Berlin faculty during Kogălniceanu's stay.<ref>Vianu, Vol.II, p.273-277</ref> He commented that, in later years, the politician adopted views which resonated with those of Hegel, most notably the principle that legislation needed to adapt to the individual spirit of nations.<ref>Vianu, Vol.II, p.276-277, 311</ref> Kogălniceanu later noted with pride that he had been the first of Ranke's Romanian students, and claimed that, in conversations with Humboldt, he was the first person to use the modern equivalents [[French-language]] of the words "Romanian" and "Romania" (''roumain'' and ''Roumanie'') &mdash; replacing the references to "Moldavia(n)" and "[[Wallachia|Wallachia(n)]]", as well as the antiquated versions used before him by the intellectual [[Gheorghe Asachi]];<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> historian [[Nicolae Iorga]] also noted the part Kogălniceanu played in popularizing these references as the standard ones.<ref>Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> Kogălniceanu was also introduced to [[Frederica of Mecklenburg-Strelitz|Frederica, Duchess of Cumberland]], and became relatively close to her son [[George V of Hanover|George of Cumberland and Teviotdale]], the future ruler of [[Kingdom of Hanover|Hanover]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Initially hosted by a community of the [[Huguenot]] [[diaspora]], he later became the guest of a [[Calvinism|Calvinist]] [[pastor]] named Jonas, in whose residence he witnessed gatherings of activists in favor of [[German unification]] (''see [[Burschenschaft]]'').<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> According to his own recollections, his group of Moldavians was kept under close watch by [[Alexandru Sturdza]], who, in addition, enlisted Kogălniceanu's help in writing his work ''Études historiques, chrétiennes et morales'' ("Historical, [[Christianity|Christian]] and Moral Studies").<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> During summer trips to the [[Pomerania]]n town of [[Heringsdorf (Pomerania)|Heringsdorf]], he met the novelist [[Willibald Alexis]], whom he befriended, and who, as Kogălniceanu recalled, lectured him on the [[land reform]] carried out by [[List of rulers of Prussia|Prussian King]] [[Frederick William III of Prussia|Frederick William III]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Later, Kogălniceanu studied the effects of reform when on visit to [[Alt Schwerin]], and saw the possibility for replicating its results in his native country.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> [[Image:Kogalniceanu - Histoire.jpg|thumb|200px|Front page of ''Histoire de la Valachie, de la Moldavie, et des Vlaques transdanubiens'', signed ''Michel de Kogalnitchan'' (1837)]] Greatly expanding his familiarity with historical and social subjects, Kogălniceanu also began work on his first volumes: a pioneering study on the [[Roma people]] and the French-language ''Histoire de la Valachie, de la Moldavie, et des Vlaques transdanubiens'' ("A History of Wallachia, Moldavia, and of [[Aromanians|Transdanubian Vlachs]]", the first volume in a synthesis of [[History of Romania|Romanian history]]), both of which were first published in 1837 inside the [[German Confederation]].<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9; Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> In addition, he authored a series of studies on [[Literature of Romania|Romanian literature]].<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref> He signed these first works with a [[Francization|Francized]] version of his name, ''Michel de Kogalnitchan'' ("Michael of Kogalnitchan"),<ref>Djuvara, p.128-129; Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> which was slightly erroneous (it used the [[partitive case]] twice: once in the French particle "de", and a second time in the Romanian-based [[suffix]] "-an").<ref>Djuvara, p.129</ref> Raising the suspicions of Prince Sturdza after it became apparent that he sided with the reform-minded youth of his day in opposition to the ''Regulamentul Organic'' regime, Kogălniceanu was prevented from completing his [[doctorate]], and instead returned to Iaşi, where he became a princely [[adjutant]] in 1838.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> ===In opposition to Prince Sturdza=== {{main|Dacia Literară|Cuvânt pentru deschiderea cursului de istorie naţională}} Over the following decade, he published a large number of works, including essays and articles, his first editions of the Moldavian chroniclers, as well as other books and articles, while founding a succession of short-lived periodicals: ''Alăuta Românească'' (1838), ''Foaea Sătească a Prinţipatului Moldovei'' (1839), ''[[Dacia Literară]]'' (1840), ''Arhiva Românească'' (1840), ''Calendar pentru Poporul Românesc'' (1842), ''Propăşirea'' (renamed ''Foaie Ştiinţifică şi Literară'', 1843), and several [[almanac]]s.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Călinescu, p.77; Gorovei, p.9; Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''; Vianu, p.250</ref> Both ''Dacia Literară'' and ''Foaie Ştiinţifică'', which he edited together with Alecsandri, [[Ion Ghica]], and [[Petre Balş]], were suppressed by Moldavian authorities, who considered them suspect.<ref>Anineanu, p.63-64; Călinescu, p.77</ref> Together with [[Costache Negruzzi]], he printed all of [[Dimitrie Cantemir]]'s works available at the time, and, in time, acquired his own [[printing press]], which planned to issue the complete editions of Moldavian chronicles, including those of [[Miron Costin]] and [[Grigore Ureche]] (after many disruptions associated with his political choices, the project was fulfilled in 1852).<ref>Călinescu, p.77; Vianu, Vol.I, p.82</ref> With ''Dacia Literară'', Kogălniceanu began expanding his [[Romanticism|Romantic]] ideal of "national specificity", which was to be a major influence on [[Alexandru Odobescu]] and other literary figures.<ref>Vianu, Vol.I, p.71, 104, 413</ref> One of the main goals his publications had was expanding the coverage of modern [[Romanian culture]] beyond its early stages, during which it had mainly relied on publishing translations of [[Western literature]] &mdash; according to [[Garabet Ibrăileanu]], this was accompanied by a veiled attack on [[Gheorghe Asachi]] and his ''[[Albina Românească]]''.<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Amestec de curente...''</ref> Mihail Kogălniceanu later issued clear criticism of Asachi's proposed version of literary Romanian, which relied on [[archaism]]s and [[Francization|Francized]] [[phoneme]]s, notably pointing out that it was inconsistent.<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Amestec de curente...''</ref> Additionally, he evidenced the influence foreign poetry had on Asachi's own work, viewing it as excessive.<ref>Zarifopol</ref> Tensions also occurred between Kogălniceanu and Alecsandri, after the former began suspecting his collaborator of having reduced and toned down his contributions to ''Foaie Ştiinţifică''.<ref>Anineanu, p.64</ref> In May 1840, while serving as Prince Sturdza's private secretary, he became co-director (with Alecsandri and Negruzzi) of the [[National Theater Iaşi]].<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Anineanu, p.64; Călinescu, p.77; Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''; Senelick, p.311-313</ref> This followed the monarch's decision to unite the two existing theaters in the city, one of which hosted plays in French, into a single institution.<ref>Senelick, p.313</ref> In later years, this venue, which staged popular comedies based on the [[Theatre of France|French repertory]] of its age and had become the most popular of its kind in the country,<ref>Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> also hosted Alecsandri's debut as a playwright.<ref>Anineanu, p.64</ref> Progressively, it also became subject to Sturdza's [[censorship]].<ref>Senelick, p.314-315</ref> During this period, Kogălniceanu maintained close contacts with his former colleague [[Costache Negri]] and his sister [[Elena Negri|Elena]], becoming one of the main figures of the intellectual circle hosted by the Negris in [[Costache Negri, Galaţi|Mânjina]].<ref>Maciu, p.66</ref> He also became close to the French teacher and essayist [[Jean Alexandre Vaillant]], who was himself involved in liberal causes while being interested in the work of Moldavian chroniclers.<ref>Ursu, p.15</ref> Intellectuals of the day speculated that Kogălniceanu later contributed several sections to Vaillant's lengthy essay about Moldavia and Wallachia (''La Roumanie'').<ref>Ursu, p.15</ref> In 1843, he gave a celebrated inaugural lecture on national history at the newly-founded ''[[Academia Mihăileană]]'' in Iaşi, a speech which greatly influenced ethnic Romanian students at the [[University of Paris]] and the 1848 generation (''see [[Cuvânt pentru deschiderea cursului de istorie naţională]]'').<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Călinescu, p.77; Gorovei, p.9</ref> Other professors at the ''Academia'', originating in several [[Historical regions of Romania|historical regions]], were Ion Ghica, [[Eftimie Murgu]], and [[Ion Ionescu de la Brad]].<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> Kogălniceanu's introductory speech was partly prompted by Sturdza's refusal to give him ''[[imprimatur]]'', and amounted to a revolutionary project.<ref>Călinescu, p.77</ref> Among other things, it made explicit references to the common cause of Romanians living in the two states of Moldavia and [[Wallachia]], as well as in [[Austrian Empire|Austrian]]- and [[Russian Empire|Russian]]-ruled areas: <blockquote>"I view as my country everywhere on earth where Romanian is spoken, and as national history the history of all of Moldavia, that of Wallachia, and that of our brothers in [[Transylvania]]."<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Boia, ''History and Myth'', p.131</ref></blockquote> ===Revolution=== {{main|1848 Moldavian revolution}} [[Image:Dorintile partidei.jpeg|thumb|200px|Cover of ''[[Dorinţele partidei naţionale din Moldova]]'']] Around 1843, Kogălniceanu's enthusiasm for change was making him a suspect with Moldavian authorities, and his lectures on History were suspended in 1844.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9</ref> His [[passport]] was revoked while he was traveling to [[Vienna]] as the secret representative of the Moldavian political opposition (attempting to approach [[Prince Klemens Wenzel von Metternich|Metternich]] and discuss Sturdza's ouster).<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> Briefly imprisoned after returning to Iaşi, he soon after became involved in political agitation in Wallachia, assisting his friend Ion Ghica: in February, during a [[Romantic nationalism|Romantic nationalist]] celebration, he traveled to [[Bucharest]], where he met members of the secretive ''Frăţia'' organization and of its legal front, ''Soţietatea Literară'' (including Ghica, [[Nicolae Bălcescu]], [[August Treboniu Laurian]], [[Alexandru G. Golescu]], and [[C. A. Rosetti]]).<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> Kogălniceanu was in Paris and other [[Western Europe]]an cities from 1845 to 1847, joining the Romanian student association (''Societatea Studenţilor Români'') that included Ghica, Bălcescu, and Rosetti and was presided over by the French poet [[Alphonse de Lamartine]].<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Ursu, p.15</ref> He also frequented ''La Bibliothèque Roumaine'' ("The Romanian Library"),<ref>Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> while affiliating to the [[Freemasonry]] and joining the [[Masonic Lodge|Lodge]] known as ''L'Athénée des Étrangers'' ("The Lodge of the Atheneum of Foreigners"), as did most other reform-minded Romanians in Paris.<ref name="surcel">{{ro icon}} Vasile Surcel, [http://old.jurnalul.ro/articol.php?id=19728 "Istoria României şi lojile masonice"], in ''[[Jurnalul Naţional]]'', [[October 11]], [[2004]], retrieved [[June 25]], [[2007]]</ref> For a while, he concentrated his activities on reviewing historical sources, expanding his series of printed and edited Moldavian chronicles.<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref> At the time, he renewed his contacts with Vaillant, who helped him publish articles in the ''[[Revue de l'Orient]]''.<ref>Ursu, p.15</ref> He would later state: "We did not come to Paris just to learn how to speak French like the French do, but also to borrow the ideas and useful things of a nation that is so enlightened and so free".<ref>Iorga, ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''</ref> Following the onset of the [[Revolutions of 1848|European Revolutions]], Kogălniceanu was present at the forefront of nationalist politics. Though, for a number of reasons, he failed to sign the March 1848 petition-proclamation which signaled the [[1848 Moldavian revolution|Moldavian revolution]], he was seen as one of its instigators, and Prince Sturdza ordered his arrest during the police roundup that followed.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> While evading capture, Kogălniceanu authored some of the most vocal attacks on Sturdza, and, by July, a reward was offered for his apprehension "dead or alive".<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> During late summer, he crossed the Austrian border into [[Bukovina]], where he took refuge on the [[Hurmuzachi brothers]]' property (in parallel, the ''Frăţia''-led [[Wallachian Revolution of 1848|Wallachian revolution]] managed to gain power in [[Bucharest]]).<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9</ref> Kogălniceanu became a member and chief ideologue of the Moldavian Central Revolutionary Committee in exile.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9</ref> His manifesto, ''[[Dorinţele partidei naţionale din Moldova]]'' ("The Wishes of the National Party in Moldavia", August 1848), was, in effect, a [[constitution]]al project listing the goals of Romanian revolutionaries.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9; Maciu, p.66</ref> It contrasted with the earlier demands the revolutionaries had presented to Sturdza, which called for strict adherence to ''[[Regulamentul Organic]]'' and an end to abuse.<ref>Iorga, ''La Révolution de 1848...''</ref> In its 10 sections and 120 articles,<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref> the manifesto called for, among other things, internal autonomy, [[Civil liberties|civil]] and [[Freedom (political)|political liberties]], [[separation of powers]], abolition of [[privilege]], an end to ''[[corvée]]s'', and a Moldo-Wallachian union.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9</ref> Referring to the latter ideal, Kogălniceanu stressed that it formed: <blockquote>"the [[Keystone (architecture)|keystone]] without which the national edifice would crumble".<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref></blockquote> At the same time, he published a more explicit "Project for a Moldavian Constitution", which expanded on how ''Dorinţele'' could be translated into reality.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> Kogălniceanu also contributed articles to the Bukovinan journal ''Bucovina'', the voice of [[Revolutions of 1848 in the Habsburg areas|revolution in Romanian-inhabited Austrian lands]].<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> In January 1849, a [[cholera]] epidemic forced him to leave for the [[French Second Republic|French Republic]], where he carried on with his activities in support of the Romanian revolution.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> ===Prince Ghica's reforms=== {{main|Slavery in Romania}} [[Image:Alecsandri and Ghica in Istanbul, 1855.jpeg|thumb|200px|[[Ion Ghica]] (seated) and [[Vasile Alecsandri]], photographed in [[Istanbul]] (1855)]] In April 1849, part of the goals of the 1848 Revolution were fulfilled by the [[Treaty of Balta Liman]], through which the two [[Suzerainty|suzerain]] powers of the ''[[Regulamentul Organic]]'' regime&mdash;the [[Ottoman Empire]] and [[Russian Empire|Russia]]&mdash;appointed [[Grigore Alexandru Ghica]], a supporter of the liberal and unionist cause, as [[List of rulers of Moldavia|Prince of Moldova]] (while, on the other hand, confirming the defeat of revolutionary power in Wallachia).<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> Ghica allowed the instigators of the 1848 events to return from exile, and appointed Kogălniceanu, as well as [[Costache Negri]] and [[Alexander John Cuza]] to administrative offices.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Maciu, p.67</ref> The measures enforced by the prince, together with the fallout from the defeat of Russia in the [[Crimean War]], were to bring by 1860 the introduction of virtually all liberal tenets comprised in ''Dorinţele partidei naţionale din Moldova''.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Djuvara, p.332-333</ref> Kogălniceanu was consequently appointed to various high level government positions, while continuing his cultural contributions and becoming the main figure of the loose grouping ''[[Partida Naţională]]'', which sought the merger of the two [[Danubian Principalities]] under a single administration.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.9</ref> In 1867, reflecting on his role, he stated: <blockquote>"There is not a single reform, not a single national act, from which my name would be absent. All the major laws were made and countersigned by me."<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref></blockquote> He inaugurated his career as a legislator under Prince Ghica. On [[December 22]], [[1855]], legislation he drafted with [[Petre Mavrogheni]] regarding the [[abolitionism|abolition]] of [[Roma minority in Romania|Roma]] [[Slavery in Romania|slavery]] was passed by the [[Sfatul boieresc|Boyar Divan]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,''...; Achim, p.111-112; Djuvara, p.278</ref> This involved the freeing of privately-owned Roma slaves, as those owned by the state had been set free by Prince Sturdza in January 1844<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,''...; Achim, p.111-112</ref> (a measure which Kogălniceanu also claimed to have inspired).<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,''...</ref> Ghica was prompted to complete the process of liberation by the fate of Dincă, an educated Roma cook who had murdered his French wife and then killed himself after being made aware that he was not going to be set free by his [[Cantacuzino family|Cantacuzino]] masters.<ref>Djuvara, p.275-278</ref> Prince Ghica also attempted to improve the peasant situation by ordering legislating the end of [[quit-rent]]s and regulating that peasants could no longer be removed from the land they were working on.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> This measure produced little lasting effects; according to Kogălniceanu, "the cause [of this] should be sought in the all-mightiness of landowners, in the weakness of the government, who, through its very nature, was provisional, and thus powerless".<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> ===Ad-hoc Divan=== [[Image:Theodor Aman - Proclamarea Unirii.jpg|thumb|320px|Proclamation of the Moldo-Wallachian union, painting by [[Theodor Aman]]]] Interrupted by Russian and Austrian interventions during the Crimean War, his activity as ''Partida Naţională'' representative was successful after the [[Treaty of Paris (1856)|1856 Treaty of Paris]], when Moldavia and Wallachia came under the direct supervision of European Powers (comprising, alongside Russia and Austria, the [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland]], the [[Second French Empire]], the [[Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia]], and [[Prussia]]). As he later acknowledged, members of the Divan had begun to consider the Paris agreements, and especially the 1858 convention regarding the two countries, as a [[Constitution of Romania]], in place until 1864.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> In addition, Kogălniceanu began printing the magazine ''[[Steaua Dunării]]'' in Iaşi: a unionist mouthpiece, it enlisted support from Alecsandri and his ''[[România Literară]]''.<ref>Anineanu, p.64; Maciu, p.67</ref> Kogălniceanu encouraged [[Nicolae Ionescu]] to issue the magazine ''L'Étoile de Danube'' in [[Brussels]], as a French-language version of ''Steaua Dunării'' which would also serve to popularize ''Partida Naţională'''s views.<ref>Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''</ref> By that time, he was in correspondence with [[Jean Henri Abdolonyme Ubicini]], a French essayist and traveler who had played a minor part in the Wallachian uprising, and who supported the Romanian cause in his native country.<ref>Iorga, ''La Révolution de 1848...''</ref> Elected by the [[Electoral college|College]] of landowners in [[Dorohoi County]] to the [[ad-hoc Divan]], a newly-established assembly through which Moldavians had gained the right to decide their own future, he kept in line with Wallachian representatives to their respective Divan, and resumed his campaign in favor of union and increased autonomy, as well as the principles of [[Neutral country|neutrality]], [[representative government]], and, as he said later, rule by "a foreign prince".<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> However, both Kogălniceanu and Alecsandri initially presented themselves as candidates for the [[regency]] title of ''[[Kaymakam|Caimacam]]'' &mdash; Alecsandri, who was more popular, renounced first in order to back [[Costache Negri]].<ref>Anineanu, p.64</ref> Negri's candidature was dismissed by the Ottomans, who preferred to appoint [[Teodor Balş]] (June 1856).<ref>Maciu, p.67-68</ref> Following the elections of September 1857, the entire ''Partida Naţională'' chose to support Cuza for the Moldavian [[throne]].<ref>Anineanu, p.64</ref> This came after [[Nicolae Vogoride]], the new ''Caimaicam'', carried out an anti-unionist [[electoral fraud]] &mdash; a suffrage annulled by the common verdict of [[Napoleon III of France|Napoleon III]] and [[Victoria of the United Kingdom|Queen Victoria]] ([[August 9]], [[1857]], first announced to the world on August 26).<ref>Djuvara, p.355-356; Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''</ref> He played the decisive part in the Divan's decision to abolish [[Historical Romanian ranks and titles|boyar ranks]] and [[privilege]]s, thus nullifying pieces of legislation first imposed under Prince [[Constantine Mavrocordatos]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Maciu, p.68</ref> The final proposal, effectively imposing [[one law for all]], universal [[conscription]] and an end to rank-based [[tax exemption]]s, was made by a commission which included Kogălniceanu and [[Vasile Mălinescu]], and was passed by the Divan on [[October 29]], [[1857]], with 73 out of 77 votes (the remaining 4 were all abstentions).<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Kogălniceanu noted with pride that "The entire nation has accepted this great reform, and everyone, former Princes, great boyars, low-ranking boyars, privileged strata, have received this [[Equalitarianism|equalitarian]] reform, discarding, even without special laws, all that derived from the [[Ancien Régime|old regime]], and even all that resembled the old regime".<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> He recorded that only two members of the boyar class had subsequently refused to abide by the new principles &mdash; the ''[[Vornic]]s'' [[Iordache Beldiman]] (in Moldavia) and [[Ioan Manu]] (in Wallachia).<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> In November, ''Partida Naţională'' passed legislation consecrating the end [[religious discrimination]] against all non-[[Romanian Orthodox Church|Orthodox]] Christians in Moldavia (specifically, against [[Roman Catholicism in Romania|Roman Catholics]] and [[Armenian Apostolic Church|Gregorian]] [[Armenians in Romania|Armenians]]).<ref>Maciu, p.68</ref> The law had been initiated by Negri.<ref>Maciu, p.68</ref> Many of Kogălniceanu's efforts were centered on bringing about an end to the peasant question, but, as he admitted, his boyar electorate threatened to recall him if he was to pursue this path any further.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Consequently, he signed his name to the more moderate proposal of [[Dimitrie Rallet]], which prevented boyars from instituting new ''[[corvée]]s'', while leaving other matters to be discussed by a future permanent Assembly.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> This project was instantly rejected by a solid majority of the Assembly, that which, in Kogălniceanu's view, led to the creation of two poles, a liberal and a conservative one, thus replacing the unionist-[[Separatism|separatist]] divide and causing political conflicts inside the former unionist majority (thus forming the [[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal]] and [[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880–1918)|Conservative]] parties).<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Outmaneuvering the opposition of Vogoride and his group of conservative followers during new elections for the Divan, Kogălniceanu was able to promote Cuza in Moldavia on [[January 17]], [[1859]], leading to Cuza's election for the similar position in Wallachia ([[February 5]], [[1859]]) &mdash; the [[de facto]] union of the two countries.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Djuvara, p.332, 356; Gorovei, p.9-10</ref> In October 1858, he made a clear proposal regarding the unification, which, as he noted, carried the vote with only two opposing voices ([[Alecu Balş]] and [[Nectarie Hermeziu]], the Orthodox [[vicar]] of [[Bishopric of Roman|Roman Bishopric]]), being publicly acclaimed by [[Ion Roată]], the peasant representative for [[Putna County]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> During 1859, Kogălniceanu again stood in the ad-hoc Divan and rallied support for Cuza from all factions of the unionist camp, while promoting his candidature in [[Bucharest]] &mdash; thus profiting from ambiguities in the Paris Treaty.<ref>Gorovei, p.9</ref> On the day Cuza took the throne, to begin his rule as ''[[Domnitor]]'', Mihail Kogălniceanu welcomed him with an emotional speech.<ref>Gorovei, p.9-10</ref> ===Secularization of monastery estates=== {{main|Secularization of monastery estates in Romania}} [[Image:Opening of the Parliament, Cuza, 29 February 1860.jpg|thumb|300px|Opening session of the [[Parliament of Romania|Romanian Parliament]] in February 1860]] From 1859 to 1865, Kogălniceanu was numerous times the United Principalities' [[Prime Minister of Romania|cabinet leader]], being responsible for most of the reforms associated with Cuza's reign.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.10</ref> The latter's actions included the 1863 [[Secularization of monastery estates in Romania|secularization of the monasteries]], as an early step to provide plots made available through the [[land reform]] of 1864 (which came at the same time as the abolition of ''corvées'').<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.10</ref> Although political opposition prevented him from pushing the agrarian reform at the moment he proposed it, Mihail Kogălniceanu is seen as the person responsible for the manner in which it was eventually carried out by Cuza.<ref>Boia, ''Romania: Borderland of Europe'', p.81; Dénes, p.448-449; Gorovei, p.10</ref> The changes in legislation came at the end of a lengthy process, inaugurated in 1860, when the institution regulating legislative projects for the two principalities, the Conservative-dominated ''Common Commission'' of [[Focşani]], refused to create the basis for land reform.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Giurescu, p.147</ref> Instead, it provided for an end to ''corvées'', while allowing peasants on boyar estates control over their own houses and a parcel of [[pasture]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Stavrianos, p.353</ref> Known as ''Legea Rurală'' (the "Rural Law"), the project received instant support from the then-Premier [[Barbu Catargiu]], leader of the Conservatives, and the target of vocal criticism on Kogălniceanu's part.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Giurescu, p.147</ref> On [[June 6]], [[1862]], the project was first debated in [[Parliament of Romania|Parliament]], causing a standstill between Cuza and the Conservatives.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Giurescu, p.147-148</ref> According to historian [[L. S. Stavrianos]], the latter considered the project advantageous because, while preserving estates, it created a sizable group of landless and dependent peasants, who could provide affordable labor.<ref>Stavrianos, p.353</ref> Late in the same month, Catargiu was mysteriously assassinated on [[Mitropoliei Hill]], on his way back from [[Filaret, Bucharest|Filaret]], where he had attended a festivity commemorating the [[Wallachian Revolution of 1848|Wallachian revolution]] (he was succeeded by [[Nicolae Kretzulescu]], after the interim premiership of [[Apostol Arsachi]]).<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Giurescu, p.148</ref> On June 23, ''Legea Rurală'' was passed by Parliament, but Cuza would not [[Promulgation|promulgate]] it.<ref>Giurescu, p.148; Stavrianos, p.353</ref> According to Kogălniceanu, the Conservatives Arsachi and Kretzulescu were reluctant about proposing the law to be reviewed by Cuza, knowing that it was destined to be rejected.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Discussions then drifted toward the matter of confiscating land from the [[Greek Orthodox Church|Greek Orthodox]] monasteries in Romania (their sizable properties and traditional [[tax exemption]]s had been the subject of controversy ever since the [[Phanariotes|Phanariote]] period).<ref>Clark, p.53; Giurescu, p.148; Stavrianos, p.352</ref> In late 1862, their revenues were taken over by the state, and, during summer of the following year, a sum of 80 million [[Turkish kuruş|piasters]] was offered as compensation to the Greek monks, in exchange for all of the monasteries' land.<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> As the [[Ottoman Empire]] proposed international mediation, Cuza took the initiative, and, on [[October 23]], [[1863]], deposed the Kretzulescu cabinet, nominating instead his own selection of men: Kogălniceanu as Premier and [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Interior Minister]], [[Dimitrie Bolintineanu]] as Minister of Religious Affairs.<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> In order to prevent further international tensions, they decided to generalize confiscation to all [[Eastern Orthodox Church]] estates, Greek as well as those of the incipient [[Romanian Orthodox Church|Romanian Orthodox]] monasteries.<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> The resolution was passed with 97 out of 100 parliamentary votes.<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> Later, the Greek Church was presented with an offer of 150 million piasters as compensation,<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> which was viewed as two low by its intended recipient (including [[Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople|Patriarch]] [[Ecumenical Patriarch Sophoronius III of Constantinople|Sophoronius III]]).<ref>Giurescu, p.148; Stavrianos, p.352</ref> Consequently, the Romanian state considered the matter closed.<ref>Giurescu, p.148; Stavrianos, p.352</ref> As a direct consequence, one third of the arable land in Moldavia and a fourth of that in Wallachia were made available for a future land reform<ref>Stavrianos, p.352</ref> (one fifth to one forth of the total arable land in the state as a whole).<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Clark, p.53</ref> ===Cuza's personal regime=== In the spring of 1864, the cabinet introduced a bill providing for an extensive land reform, which proposed allocating land based on peasant status:<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Clark, p.53; Giurescu, p.148</ref> the ''fruntaşi'' ("foremost people"), who owned 4 or more [[ox]]en, were to receive 5 ''fălci'' of land, or approx. 7.5 [[hectare]]s; ''mijlocaşi'' ("middle people"), with two oxen - approx. 6 hectares; ''pălmaşi'' ("manual laborers"), with no oxen - approx. 3 hectares.<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> Peasants were to own their plots after making 14 yearly payments to their respective landowner.<ref>Clark, p.53</ref> This caused uproar in Parliament, which represented around 4,000 mostly boyar electors,<ref>Clark, p.53; Giurescu, p.148; Stavrianos, p.352</ref> and voices from among the Conservatives deemed it "insane".<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> The latter party prepared a [[Motion of non-confidence|censure vote]], based on the fact that Kogălniceanu had publicized the project through ''[[Monitorul Oficial]]'' and in contradiction with the one endorsed by the Focşani Commission, thus going against the letter of the law &mdash; he later justified himself saying: "Publication was necessary in order to quell the rural population, agitated by the [alternative project]".<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> The cabinet handed in its resignation, but Cuza refused to countersign it.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Tensions mounted and, on [[May 14]], [[1864]], Cuza carried out a ''[[coup d'état]]'', coinciding with the moment when Conservatives imposed a censure vote.<ref>Boia, ''Romania: Borderland of Europe'', p.81; Clark, p.53; Giurescu, p.148; Stavrianos, p.352</ref> Kogălniceanu read in Parliament the monarch's decision to dissolve it,<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref> after which Cuza introduced a new [[Constitution of Romania|constitution]], titled ''Statutul dezvoltător al Convenţiei de la Paris'' ("Statute Expanding the Paris Convention").<ref>Clark, p.53; Giurescu, p.148; Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''</ref> It was submitted to a [[referendum]], together with a law virtually establishing a system of [[universal male suffrage]], gaining support from 682,621 voters out of 754,148.<ref>Clark, p.53; Giurescu, p.148; Stavrianos, p.353</ref> The new regime passed its own version of ''Legea Rurală'', thus effectively imposing land reform, as well as putting an end to ''corvées''.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Clark, p.53; Giurescu, p.148-149; Stavrianos, p.353</ref> This was accomplished through August 1864 discussions in the newly-established Council of State, where the law was advanced by, among others, Kogălniceanu, Bolintineanu, [[George D. Vernescu]], [[Gheorghe Apostoleanu]] and [[Alexandru Papadopol Callimachi]].<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> More reserved members of the Council asked for the law not to be applied for a duration of three years, instead of the April 1865 deadline presumed, and Cuza agreed.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Indicating that, in his view, the decision was "the very condemnation and crushing of the law", Kogălniceanu worried that peasants, informed of their future, could no longer be persuaded to carry out ''corvées''.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> He threatened Cuza with his resignation, and was ultimately able to persuade all parties involved, including the opposition leader Kretzulescu, to accept the law's application as of spring 1865; a proclamation by Cuza, ''Către locuitorii săteşti'' ("To the Rural Inhabitants") accompanied the resolution, and was described by Kogălniceanu as "the political testament of Cuza".<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> Despite this measure, factors such as a growing population, the division of plots among descendants, peasant debts and enduring reliance on revenues from working on estates, together with the widespread speculation of [[Leasehold estate|estate leaseholders]] and instances where [[political corruption]] was detrimental to the allocation of land, made the reform almost completely ineffectual on the long term, and contributed to the countryside unrest which culminated in the [[1907 Romanian Peasants' Revolt|Peasants' Revolt of 1907]].<ref>Stavrianos, p.353-355</ref> With Kogălniceanu's participation, the [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] regime established by Cuza succeeded in promulgating a series of reforms, notably introducing the [[Napoleonic code]], [[public education]], and [[Government monopoly|state monopolies]] on alcohol and tobacco.<ref>Clark, p.54; Stavrianos, p.355-356</ref> In parallel, the regime became unstable and contested from all sides, especially after his [[Adultery|adulterous]] affair with [[Marija Obrenović]] became the topic of scandal.<ref>Boia, ''Romania: Borderland of Europe'', p.81; Stavrianos, p.355-356</ref> In early 1865, he came into conflict with his main ally Kogălniceanu, whom he dismissed soon after.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Stavrianos, p.356</ref> Over the following months, the administration went into financial collapse, becoming unable to provide salaries for its employees,<ref>Stavrianos, p.356</ref> while Cuza came to rely on his own ''[[camarilla]]''.<ref>Boia, ''Romania: Borderland of Europe'', p.81</ref> After 1863, relations between Mihail Kogălniceanu and his friend [[Vasile Alecsandri]] soured dramatically, as the latter declared himself disgusted with politics.<ref>Anineanu, p.64-65</ref> Alecsandri withdrew to his estate in [[Mirceşti]], where he wrote pieces critical of the political developments.<ref>Anineanu, p.65</ref> ===1870s=== [[Image:Mihail Kogalniceanu.jpg|thumb|220px|Portrait of an aging Kogălniceanu]] ''Domnitor'' Cuza was ultimately ousted by a coalition of Conservatives and Liberals in February 1866; following a period of transition and maneuvers to avert international objections, a perpetually unified [[Kingdom of Romania|Principality of Romania]] was established under [[Carol I of Romania|Carol of Hohenzollern]], with the adoption of the [[1866 Constitution of Romania|1866 Constitution]].<ref>Stavrianos, p.356-357</ref> In November 1868-January 1870, he was again [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Minister of the Interior]] under [[Dimitrie Ghica]]; his term was confirmed by the [[Romanian general election, 1869|1869 election]], after which he was able to persuade Alecsandri to accept a position as deputy for [[Roman, Romania|Roman]].<ref>Anineanu, p.65</ref> The poet, who had been nominated without expressing his consent, cast aside hostility and became one of Kogălniceanu's main supporters in Chamber.<ref>Anineanu, p.65</ref> Even after Cuza left the country and settled in [[Baden]], relations between him and Kogălniceanu remained respectful, but distant: in summer 1868, when both of them were visiting [[Vienna]], they happened to meet, and, without exchanging words, raised their hats as a form of greeting.<ref>Vitcu, p.20</ref> On [[May 27]], [[1873]], Kogălniceanu, alongside Alecsandri, [[Costache Negri]], [[Petre Poni]] and other public figures, attended Cuza's funeral in [[Ruginoasa, Iaşi|Ruginoasa]].<ref>Vitcu, p.22</ref> Speaking later, he noted: "Cuza has committed great errors, but [the 1864 ''Către locuitorii săteşti''] shall never fade out of the hearts of peasants, nor from Romania's history".<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> He continued to be the leader of pragmatic reform liberalism in Romania; in loose opposition to the [[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880-1918)|Conservative Party]] cabinet of [[Lascăr Catargiu]] (1875), he began talks with the [[Radicalism (historical)|radical]] faction of the [[Liberalism and radicalism in Romania|liberal trend]] (most notably, [[Ion Brătianu]], [[Dimitrie Sturdza]], [[Ion Ghica]], [[C. A. Rosetti]], [[Dimitrie Brătianu]], and [[Alexandru G. Golescu]]), which were carried at the Bucharest residence of [[Pasha]] [[Stephen Bartlett Lakeman]].<ref>Cernovodeanu, p.40-41</ref> On [[May 24]], [[1875]], negotiations resulted in the creation of the [[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal Party]] &mdash; the so-called ''Coalition of Mazar Paşa''.<ref>Cernovodeanu, p.40-41</ref> He notably joined other National Liberals in expressing opposition to the trade convention Catargiu signed with [[Austria-Hungary]], which was advantageous to the latter's exports, and which, they claimed, was leading Romanian industry to ruin.<ref>Giurescu, p.291</ref> A National Liberal government would repeal the agreement in 1886.<ref>Giurescu, p.291</ref> Serving as [[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Affairs Minister]] in the Ion Brătianu cabinet (spring-summer 1876, and again from April 1877 to November 1878), Kogălniceanu was responsible for Romania entering the [[Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878)|War of 1877-1878]] on the Russian side, which led the country to proclaim its independence.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.10</ref> With Rosetti and Brătianu, he supported the transit of Russian troops, and, during April, persuaded Carol to accept the Russian alliance, contrary to the initial advice of the Crown Council.<ref>Clark, p.60</ref> He also sought advice on this matter from the [[French Third Republic]], who was still one of the powers supervising Romania; [[Louis, duc Decazes]], the [[Minister of Foreign Affairs (France)|French Foreign Minister]], declined to give him a reassuring answer, and pointed that, were Romania to join the [[Russian Empire|Imperial Russian]] side, the powers would cease offering protection.<ref>Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''</ref> Making note of this, Kogălniceanu expressed his hope that France would still support his country at the decisive moment.<ref>Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''</ref> On [[May 9]], [[1877]], it was through his speech in Parliament that Romania acknowledged she was discarding Ottoman [[suzerainty]].<ref>Giurescu, p.153; Gorovei, p.10</ref> Over the following year, he coordinated efforts to have the act recognized by all European states, and stated that his government's policies were centered on "as rapid as possible, the transformation of foreign [[Diplomacy|diplomatic agencies]] and [[Consul (representative)|consulates]] in Bucharest into [[legation]]s".<ref>Davier, p.60</ref> ===Berlin Congress and final years=== [[Image:MMihail Kogălniceanu.jpg|thumb|250px|Kogălniceanu's grave in Iaşi]] Upon the war's end, he and Brătianu headed the Romanian delegation to the [[Treaty of Berlin (1878)|Berlin Congress]].<ref>Ciorănescu; Clark, p.61-62; Norton Medlicott, p.90; Ornea, p.390</ref> In this capacity, they protested Russia's offer to exchange the previously Ottoman-ruled [[Northern Dobruja]] for the portion of southern [[Bessarabia]] which Romania had been awarded by the [[Treaty of Paris (1856)|1856 Treaty of Paris]].<ref>Ciorănescu; Clark, p.61-62; Norton Medlicott, p.89-93</ref> The Conference's ultimate decision was in favor of Russia's proposal, largely due to support from [[Gyula Andrássy]], the [[List of Foreign Ministers of Austria-Hungary|Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary]], and [[William Henry Waddington]], the French Minister of Foreign Affairs.<ref>Ciorănescu; Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''</ref> Additional pressures came from [[Otto von Bismarck]], the [[German Empire|Imperial German]] [[Chancellor of Germany|Chancellor]].<ref>Clark, p.62</ref> This outcome was the subject of controversy in Romania, where the exchange was generally considered unfair, with some voices even arguing that the country could again accept Ottoman suzerainty as a means to overturn the state of affairs.<ref>Ciorănescu</ref> In parallel, Russian demands for Romania to grant it the right of indefinite military transit through Northern Dobruja were made ineffectual by opposition from other European states.<ref>Norton Medlicott, p.189-190</ref> At the time, as an effect of Waddington's intervention,<ref>Clark, p.62; Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''</ref> Romania also agreed to resolve the issue of [[Jewish Emancipation]], and to [[Naturalization|naturalize]] all of its non-Christian residents (''see [[History of the Jews in Romania]]'').<ref>Clark, p.62; Iorga, ''La guerre de Crimée...''; Ornea, p.390</ref> The resolution was debated inside Romania over the following year, and such a measure in respect to Jews was not introduced until 1922-1923.<ref>Clark, p.62, 352; Ornea, p.390</ref> He subsequently represented his country to France (1880),<ref>Davier, p.60; Gorovei, p.10</ref> being the first Romanian envoy to [[Paris]], and having [[Alexandru Lahovary]] as a member of his staff.<ref>Davier, p.60</ref> In January 1880-1881, he oversaw the first diplomatic contacts between Romania and [[Qing Dynasty|Qing China]], as an exchange of correspondence between the Romanian Embassy to France and [[Zeng Jize]], the Chinese Ambassador to the United Kingdom.<ref>Anna Eva Budura, "Primii diplomaţi chinezi în Occident", in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', November 2007, p.40</ref> After withdrawing from political life, Kogălniceanu, who had been elected to the [[Romanian Academy]]'s Historical Section in 1868,<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.10</ref> served as the Academy's President from 1887 to 1889.<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> Having fallen severely ill in 1886,<ref>Anineanu, p.66</ref> he spent his final years editing historical documents of the [[Eudoxiu Hurmuzaki]] fund, publicizing [[Ancient Greece|Ancient Greek]] and [[Roman Empire|Roman]] archeologic finds in [[Northern Dobruja]], and collecting foreign documents related to [[History of Romania|Romanian history]].<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> One of his last speeches, held in front of the Academy and witnessed by both Carol, who had since become [[King of Romania]], and his wife [[Elisabeth of Wied]], was a summary of his entire career as a politician, intellectual, and civil servant.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Gorovei, p.10</ref> In August 1890, while traveling through the Austrian region of [[Vorarlberg]], he was troubled by news that Alecsandri had died at his home in [[Mirceşti]].<ref>Anineanu, p.66-67</ref> Writing to Alecsandri's wife Paulina, he asked: "I could not be present at his funeral, [therefore] you'll allow me, my lady, since I have unable to kiss him either alive or dead, to at least kiss his grave!"<ref>Anineanu, p.67</ref> Mihail Kogălniceanu died while undergoing surgery in [[Paris]], and was succeeded in his seat at the Academy by [[Alexandru Dimitrie Xenopol]].<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> He was buried in his native Iaşi, at the [[Eternitatea cemetery]].<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> ==Views== ===Liberalism and conservatism=== Mihail Kogălniceanu's contributions as a leader of opinion and statesman have won acclaim for their role in shaping the development of modern Romania before and after 1848.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; Gorovei, p.10</ref> [[Nicolae Iorga]], a major historian of the 20th century, celebrated Kogălniceanu as "the founder of modern [[Culture of Romania|Romanian culture]], the thinker who has seen in clarity the free and complete Romania [...], the redeemer of peasants thrown into [[serfdom]] [a reference to ''[[corvée]]s''], the person understanding all the many, secretive, and indissoluble connections linking the life of a people to the moral quality and the energy of its soul".<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> Kogălniceanu was a [[Democracy|democratic]] and [[Nationalism|nationalist]] politician who combined [[liberalism]] with the [[Conservatism|conservative]] principles acquired during his education, taking inspiration from the policies of the [[Prussia]]n statesmen [[Heinrich Friedrich Karl Reichsfreiherr vom und zum Stein|Baron vom und zum Stein]] and [[Karl August von Hardenberg]].<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''; ''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''; Ibrăileanu, ''Recunoaşterea necesităţii criticii...''</ref> Supportive of [[constitutionalism]], [[civil liberties]], and other liberal positions, he prioritized the nation over [[individualism]], an approach with resonated with the tendencies of all his fellow Moldavian revolutionaries.<ref>''Encyclopedia of Revolutions''</ref> At the same time, his connections within the [[Freemasonry]], mirroring the conviction and affiliation of most 1848 revolutionaries, were an important factor in ensuring the success of Romanian causes abroad, and arguably played a part in the election of Cuza, who was himself a member of the secretive grouping.<ref name="surcel"/> Inside the [[Liberalism and radicalism in Romania|liberal faction]], in contrast to his moderation on other topics, he was among the very few to tie together [[modernization]], democracy, and the need to improve the situation of peasants (other notable politicians to do so were [[Nicolae Bălcescu]], who died in late 1852, and [[C. A. Rosetti]], who advocated a strict adherence to [[majoritarianism]]).<ref>Dénes, p.449</ref> Kogălniceanu praised Bălcescu's manifestos and activism in favor of the peasantry, indicating that they formed a precedent for his own accomplishments, while deploring the [[Wallachian Revolution of 1848|Wallachian uprising]]'s failure to advance a definitive land reform.<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref> When faced with a negative response in the [[Census suffrage|census]]-elected [[Parliament of Romania|Parliament]] just prior to Cuza's coup, he defended his land reform project with the words: <blockquote>"Two thousand [[boyar]]s do not a nation make; that is an undeniable truth."<ref>Giurescu, p.148</ref></blockquote> Late in his life, while crediting the [[Humboldt University of Berlin|University of Berlin]] and its notions of [[patriotism]] with having provided him with "the love for the Romanian motherland and the ''liberal spirit'' [emphasis in original]", he stressed: <blockquote>"In my lengthy combats and actions, in the grim persecutions that have more than once been exercised as a means to crush me, I always had before my eyes those beautiful words which [...] Prince Hardenberg indicated as the strongest means to reawaken the character and manliness of the [[Germans|German people]] in order to liberate it from the foreign yoke, to raise and increase [[Germany]]: «Democratic principles as part of a monarchic government!»"<ref>''Dezrobirea ţiganilor,...''</ref></blockquote> Like many of his fellow Romanian liberals, Kogălniceanu advocated a series of [[Antisemitism|Antisemitic]] policies. He used his position as [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Internal Affairs Minister]] in the [[Dimitrie Ghica]] executive to resume the expulsions of [[History of the Jews in Romania|Jewish community]] members from the countryside (and thus denying them various sources of income).<ref>''Final Report'', p.24-25</ref> When faced with the official protests of European states, he replied that the matter was nobody's business but Romania's.<ref>''Final Report'', p.25</ref> He usually referred to the Jewish community in general with the insulting term ''jidani'', and accepted their presence on Romanian soil as a concession to their alleged "too numerous and too powerful presence in Europe".<ref>Lindemann, p.136</ref> During the 1930s, such attitudes, together with Kogălniceanu's involvement in peasant causes, were cited as a precedent by politicians of the [[Fascism|fascist]] [[National Christian Party]] and [[Iron Guard]], who, while promoting rural traditionalism, advocated restricting [[civil rights]] for the Jewish community.<ref>''Final Report'', p.22, 25, 45; Ornea, p.31</ref> Nevertheless, in 1885, he strongly objected to a National Liberal cabinet decision to expel [[Moses Gaster]], a renowned Jewish scholar, stating that the latter was "[the] only man who works in this country" (he would later celebrate him as the man "to whom Romanian literature owes so much").<ref>Lucica Bercovici, "Românul Moses Gaster, un modus vivendi", in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', November 2007, p.53</ref> ===Cultural tenets=== In his polemic history tracing the development of literary criticism and its role in Romanian culture, the 20th century author [[Garabet Ibrăileanu]] made ample mention of Kogălniceanu's role in combating nationalist excesses, in particular the post-1840 attempts by [[Transylvania]]n and [[Wallachia]]n intellectuals to change the fabric of the [[Romanian language]] by introducing strong influences from [[Latin]] or other modern [[Romance languages]].<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Veacul al XIX-lea...''</ref> To illustrate this view, he cited Kogălniceanu's ''[[Cuvânt pentru deschiderea cursului de istorie naţională]]'', which notably states: <blockquote>"In me you shall find a Romanian, but ever to the point where I would contribute in increasing Romanomania, that is to say the [[mania]] of calling ourselves [[Ancient Rome|Romans]], a passion currently reigning foremost in Transylvania and among some of the writers in Wallachia."<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Veacul al XIX-lea...''</ref></blockquote> Ibrăileanu additionally credited the Moldavian faction, Kogălniceanu included, with having helped introduce spoken Romanian into the [[literary language]], at a time when both [[Ion Heliade Rădulescu]] and successors of the [[Transylvanian School]] made use of the dialect prevalent in [[Romanian Orthodox Church|Orthodox]] and [[Romanian Church United with Rome, Greek-Catholic|Greek-Catholic]] religious culture.<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Veacul al XIX-lea...'', ''Recunoaşterea necesităţii criticii...''</ref> This was in connection with Kogălniceanu's advocacy of pragmatic [[Westernization]]: "Civilization never does banish the national ideas and habits, but rather improves them for the benefit of the nation in particular and of humanity in general".<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Recunoaşterea necesităţii criticii...''</ref> A generation younger than Ibrăileanu, [[George Călinescu]] also noted the contrast between Mihail Kogălniceanu and his predecessors, as two sets of "[[Millennialism|Messianist]]" intellectuals &mdash; in this contrast, Heliade Rădulescu was "hazy and [[Egotism|egotist]]", whereas Kogălniceanu and others had "a mission which they knew how to translate into [[Positivism|positive terms]]".<ref>Călinescu, p.77</ref> As a historian, Kogălniceanu notably introduced several more or less influential Romantic nationalist theses: after 1840, he was noted for stressing the image of the 17th century [[List of rulers of Wallachia|Wallachian Prince]] [[Michael the Brave]] as a unifier of Romania, although this view was not present in his earlier essays; he proposed that his was among the first European peoples to record history in their national language, in contrast with the fact that the earliest Romanian-language chronicles were written during the 1600s; additionally, he argued that the [[Second Bulgarian Empire]] was a [[Romanians|Romanian]] state.<ref>Boia, ''Hystory and Myth'', p.40-41, 49-50, 115</ref> In some of his works, he claimed that Romanians traditionally practiced [[endogamy]] to preserve their purity.<ref>Boia, ''Hystory and Myth'', p.154</ref> After the Wallachian revolution was defeated and most of its leaders went into exile, Kogălniceanu noted (1855) that the lighter toll Russian intervention had in Moldavia contributed to the preservation of literature; alongside similar statements made by [[Vasile Alecsandri]], this allowed Ibrăileanu to conclude that, after 1848, Moldavia played a bigger part in shaping the cultural landscape of Romania.<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Veacul al XIX-lea...''</ref> The historiographer [[Lucian Boia]] has also noted that, while Kogălniceanu stressed national unity, his discourse tended to place emphasis on Moldavian particularities.<ref>Boia, ''History and Myth'', p.131</ref> Also according to Ibrăileanu, Kogălniceanu and [[Alecu Russo]] have set the foundation for the local school of [[literary criticism]], and, together, had announced the cultural [[professionalism]] advocated by ''[[Junimea]]'' after the 1860s.<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Recunoaşterea necesităţii criticii...''; ''Evoluţia spiritului critic...''</ref> The latter conclusion was partly shared by Călinescu and [[Tudor Vianu]].<ref>Călinescu, p.78; Vianu, Vol.II, p.19</ref> Nevertheless, in its reaction against the 1848 generation, ''Junimea'', and especially its main figure [[Titu Maiorescu]], tended to ignore or outright dismiss Kogălniceanu's causes and the attitudes he expressed.<ref>Ibrăileanu, ''Evoluţia spiritului critic...''; Vianu, Vol.I, p.391-392; Vol.II, p.52, 244</ref> While commenting on the differences between Moldavian and Wallachian literature, [[Paul Zarifopol]] gave a more reserved assessment of Kogălniceanu's position, arguing that the emphasis he had placed on "national taste" would occasionally result in acclaim for mediocre writers such as [[Alexandru Hrisoverghi]].<ref>Zarifopol</ref> Călinescu observed that much of Kogălniceanu's own prose works imitated the style of his friend [[Costache Negruzzi]], without carrying the same artistic weight, while noting that his few works of [[autobiography]] featured "pages of gracious [and] good-natured [[melancholy]]", which he attributed to the author's traditional upbringing.<ref>Călinescu, p.77-78</ref> Other pieces authored by Mihail Kogălniceanu included two comedy plays, both written in 1840, when he was co-director of the [[National Theater Iaşi]]: ''Două femei împotriva unui bărbat'' ("Two Women against one Man") and ''Orbul fericit'' ("The Happy Blind Man").<ref>Senelick, p.312</ref> ==Legacy== ===Descendants=== [[Image:Lucia, Ion and Vasile Kogalniceanu.jpeg|thumb|220px|From right: [[Vasile Kogălniceanu|Vasile]], Ion and Lucia Kogălniceanu, photographed during the 1850s]] Mihail Kogălniceanu was married to Ecaterina Jora (1827-1907), the widow of Iorgu Scorţescu, a [[Moldavian military forces|Moldavian Militia]] colonel; they had more than eight children together (three of whom were boys).<ref>Guţanu, p.8, 9</ref> The eldest son, Constantin, studied Law and had a career in diplomacy, being the author of an unfinished work on Romanian history.<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> Ion, his brother, was born in 1859 and died in 1892, being the only one of Mihail Kogălniceanu's male children to have heirs<ref>Gorovei, p.60; Guţanu, p.8</ref> (his line was still surviving in the early 2000s).<ref>Guţanu, p.8</ref> Ion's son, also named Mihail, established the ''Mihail Kogălniceanu Cultural Foundation'' in 1935 (in 1939-1946, it published a magazine named ''Arhiva Românească'', which aimed to be a new series of the one published during the 1840s; its other projects were rendered ineffectual by the outbreak of [[World War II]]).<ref>Gorovei, p.60</ref> [[Vasile Kogălniceanu]], the youngest son, was noted for his involvement in [[Agrarianism|agrarian]] and [[left-wing]] politics during the early 20th century. A founder of ''Partida Ţărănească'' (which served as an inspiration for the [[Peasants' Party (Romania)|Peasants' Party]] after 1918), he was a collaborator of [[Vintilă Rosetti]] in campaigning for the [[universal suffrage]] and the legislating of Sunday as a [[public holiday]].<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> A manifesto to the peasants, issued by him just before the [[1907 Romanian Peasants' Revolt|Peasants' Revolt of 1907]], was interpreted by the authorities as a call to rebellion, and led to Kogălniceanu's imprisonment for a duration of five months.<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> A member of the [[Chamber of Deputies of Romania|Chamber of Deputies]] for [[Ilfov County]], he served as a ''[[rapporteur]]'' for the [[Alexandru Averescu]] executive during the 1921 debates regarding an extensive [[land reform]].<ref>Gorovei, p.10</ref> Vasile's sister Lucia (or Lucie) studied at a [[boarding school]] in [[Dresden]] during the late 1860s-early 1870s.<ref>Guţanu, p.8</ref> Her third husband, Leon Bogdan, was a local leader of the [[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880–1918)|Conservatives]] in [[Neamţ County]] (according to the memoirist [[Constantin Argetoianu]], Lucia was the one exercising real control over the organization's branch).<ref>Guţanu, p.9</ref> After the Conservative Party faded out of politics as a result of [[World War I]], she came to support the [[People's Party (interwar Romania)|People's Party]].<ref>Guţanu, p.9</ref> Argetoianu later speculated that she was the most intelligent of the Kogălniceanu children, and claimed that Mihail Kogălniceanu had himself acknowledged this (quoting him as saying, "too bad Lucie is not a boy").<ref>Guţanu, p.9</ref> She was the mother of eight; one of her daughters, Manuela, married into the [[Ghica family]].<ref>Guţanu, p.8</ref> Kogălniceanu's nephew, Grigore, himself a local leader of the Conservative Party and a major landowner, married to Adela Cantacuzino-Paşcanu, a member of the [[Cantacuzino family]].<ref name="craus">{{ro icon}} Silvia Craus, [http://www.ieseanul.ro/articol/ziar/iasi/bijuterii-mortale/9583/ "Bijuterii mortale"], in ''[[Ieşeanul]]'', [[March 7]], [[2006]], retrieved [[June 25]], [[2007]]</ref> He died in 1904, leaving his wife a large fortune, which she spent on a large collection of jewels and [[fortune-telling]] séances.<ref name="craus"/> Adela Kogălniceanu was robbed and murdered in October 1920; rumor had it that she had been killed by her own son, but this path was never pursued by authorities, who were quick to cancel the investigation (at the time, they were faced with [[Labor movement in Romania|the major strikes of 1920]]).<ref name="craus"/> ===Landmarks and portrayals=== [[Image:Mihail Kogalniceanu Bucharest statue.jpg|thumb|140px|Kogălniceanu's statue in [[Bucharest]]]] Mihail Kogălniceanu's residence in Iaşi is kept as a memorial house and public museum. His vacation house in the city, located in [[Copou]] area and known locally as ''Casa cu turn'' ("The House with a Tower"), was the residence of composer [[George Enescu]] for part of the [[Romanian Campaign (World War I)|Romanian Campaign]], and, in 1930, was purchased by novelist [[Mihail Sadoveanu]] (in 1980, it became a museum dedicated to Sadoveanu's memory).<ref name="apcopou">{{ro icon}} Adrian Pârvu, [http://www.jurnalul.ro/articole/32380/casa-cu-turn-din-copou "Casa cu turn din Copou"], in ''[[Jurnalul Naţional]]'', [[October 28]], [[2005]]; retrieved [[April 28]], [[2008]]</ref> The Kogălniceanu property in [[Gura Văii, Bacău|Râpile]], [[Bacău County]], was sold and divided during the early 1900s.<ref>Gorovei, p.60</ref> Chronicles edited by Kogălniceanu and [[Costache Negruzzi]] were the source of inspiration for several [[historical novel]]ists, beginning with [[Alexandru Odobescu]].<ref>Vianu, Vol.I, p.82</ref> His relationship with the peasant representative to the [[ad-hoc Divan]], [[Ion Roată]], is briefly mentioned in an [[anecdote]] authored by [[Ion Creangă]] (''Moş Ion Roată''). He is also the subject of a short writing by [[Ion Luca Caragiale]] (first published by ''[[Vatra (literary magazine)|Vatra]]'' in 1894).<ref>{{ro icon}} [[Paul Zarifopol]], [http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Introduceri_la_edi%C5%A3ia_critic%C4%83_I.L._Caragiale%2C_opere ''Introduceri la ediţia critică I.L. Caragiale, opere''] (wikisource)</ref> [[Symbolism (arts)|Symbolist]] poet [[Dimitrie Anghel]], whose father, the National Liberal parliamentarian Dimitrie A. Anghel, had been well acquainted with Kogălniceanu, authored a memoir detailing the fluctuating relationship between the two political figures, as well as detailing one of the former Premier's last speeches.<ref>[[Dimitrie Anghel]], ''Versuri şi proză'', [[Editura Albatros]], Bucharest, 1978, p.67-69 (Eugen Marinescu, "Tabel cronologic", p.XL). {{OCLC|5833024}}</ref> Kogălniceanu is the subject of many paintings, and features prominently in [[Costin Petrescu (painter)|Costin Petrescu]]'s [[fresco]] at the [[Romanian Athenaeum]] (where he is shown alongside Cuza, who is handing a [[deed]] to a peasant).<ref>Boia, ''Romania: Borderland of Europe'', p.80; ''History and Myth'', p.260</ref> In 1936, the ''Mihail Kogălniceanu Cultural Foundation'' commissioned [[Oscar Han]] to create a monument dedicated to Kogălniceanu, which was erected in [[Bucharest]] during the same year.<ref>Gorovei, p.60</ref> Actors have portrayed Kogălniceanu in several [[Cinema of Romania|Romanian films]] &mdash; most notably, [[Ion Niculescu]] in the 1912 ''[[Independenţa României]]'', and [[George Constantin]] in [[Sergiu Nicolaescu]]'s 1977 ''Războiul Independenţei''. During the latter stages of the [[Communist Romania|Romanian Communist regime]], under [[Nicolae Ceauşescu]], Mihail Kogălniceanu's image was present in official [[propaganda]], alongside those of other historical figures who were considered [[Progressivism|progressive]].<ref>Boia, ''History and Myth'', p.272</ref> The historian's name was given to several places and landmarks; these include downtown Bucharest's Mihail Kogălniceanu Square (near the [[Izvor metro station]], and housing Han's sculpture) and Mihail Kogălniceanu Boulevard, the [[Mihail Kogălniceanu, Constanţa|Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[Commune in Romania|commune]] in [[Constanţa County]], the [[Mihail Kogălniceanu International Airport]] (situated 26 km northwest of [[Constanţa]], and serving that city, the airport also houses a [[Military of the United States|U.S. Military Forces]] base), and the [[Mihail Kogălniceanu University]] in Iaşi (the first [[private university]] in Moldavia, founded in 1990). ==Notes== {{reflist|3}} ==References== *{{ro icon}} Mihail Kogălniceanu, [http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Dezrobirea_%C5%A3iganilor%2C_%C5%9Ftergerea_privilegiilor_boiere%C5%9Fti%2C_emanciparea_%C5%A3%C4%83ranilor ''Dezrobirea ţiganilor, ştergerea privilegiilor boiereşti, emanciparea ţăranilor''] (wikisource) *[http://www.ohiou.edu/~Chastain/ip/kolganic.htm "Mihail Kogălniceanu"], in the [http://www.ohiou.edu/~chastain/index.htm ''Encyclopedia of Revolutions of 1848''], at [[Ohio University]], retrieved [[June 11]], [[2007]] *[http://www.inshr-ew.ro/pdf/Final_Report.pdf ''Final Report''] of the [[Wiesel Commission|International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania]], retrieved [[June 11]], [[2007]] *Viorel Achim, ''The Roma in Romanian History'', [[Central European University Press]], Budapest, 2004. ISBN 9639241849 *Marta Anineanu, "Prietenia Alecsandri &mdash; Kogălniceanu. Păşind alături spre visul înstelat", in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', October 1971, p.62-67 *[[Lucian Boia]], **''History and Myth in Romanian Consciousness'', Central European University Press, Budapest, 2001. ISBN 9639116963 **''Romania: Borderland of Europe'', Reaktion Books, London, 2001. ISBN 1861891032 *[[George Călinescu]], ''Istoria literaturii române. Compendiu'', [[Editura Minerva]], Bucharest, 1983 *Paul Cernovodeanu, "Punţi între două lumi. Britanici printre români", in ''Magazin Istoric'', July 1995 *[[George Ciorănescu]], [http://files.osa.ceu.hu/holdings/300/8/3/text/117-1-163.shtml "Moldavian and Western Interpretations of Modern Romanian History"], [[Radio Free Europe]] Research, [[September 19]], [[1979]], at the ''Open Society Archives'', retrieved [[June 13]], [[2007]] *[[Charles Upson Clark]], ''United Roumania'', Ayer Publishing, Manchester, New Hampshire, 1971. ISBN 0405027419 *{{ro icon}} Alexandre Davier, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi2000/current3/mi59.htm "Sinuozităţile relaţiilor franco-române" (part I)], in ''Magazin Istoric'', March 2000, p.59-65 *Iván Zoltán Dénes, ''Liberty And the Search for Identity: Liberal Nationalisms and the Legacy of Empires'', Central European University Press, Budapest, 2006. ISBN 9637326448 *[[Neagu Djuvara]], ''Între Orient şi Occident. Ţările române la începutul epocii moderne'', [[Humanitas publishing house|Humanitas]], Bucharest, 1995. ISBN 9732805234 *[[Constantin C. Giurescu]], ''Istoria Bucureştilor. Din cele mai vechi timpuri pînă în zilele noastre'', [[Editura Pentru Literatură]], Bucharest, 1966. {{OCLC|1279610}} *Ştefan Gorovei, "Kogălnicenii", in ''Magazin Istoric'', July 1977, p.6-10, 60 *{{ro icon}} Laura Guţanu, [http://www.bcu-iasi.ro/biblos/biblos11/lucia.pdf "Valori de patrimoniu. Lucia Kogălniceanu"], in ''Biblos'', 11-12, at the [[University of Iaşi]] Central Library, p.8-9 *{{ro icon}} [[Garabet Ibrăileanu]], [http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Spiritul_critic_%C3%AEn_cultura_rom%C3%A2neasc%C4%83 ''Spiritul critic în cultura românească''] (wikisource) **[http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Spiritul_critic_%C3%AEn_cultura_rom%C3%A2neasc%C4%83:Veacul_al_XIX-lea._Factorii_culturii_rom%C3%A2ne%C5%9Fti_din_acest_veac ''Veacul al XIX-lea. Factorii culturii româneşti din acest veac''] **[http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Spiritul_critic_%C3%AEn_cultura_rom%C3%A2neasc%C4%83:Amestec_de_curente_contradictorii:_G._Asachi ''Amestec de curente contradictorii: G. Asachi''] **[http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Spiritul_critic_%C3%AEn_cultura_rom%C3%A2neasc%C4%83:Evolu%C5%A3ia_spiritului_critic_-_Deosebirile_dintre_vechea_%C5%9Fcoal%C4%83_critic%C4%83_moldoveneasc%C4%83_%C5%9Fi_%22Junimea%22 ''Evoluţia spiritului critic - Deosebirile dintre vechea şcoală critică moldovenească şi "Junimea"''] **[http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Spiritul_critic_%C3%AEn_cultura_rom%C3%A2neasc%C4%83:Recunoa%C5%9Fterea_necesit%C4%83%C5%A3ii_criticii._Cauzele_pentru_care_spiritul_critic_apare_%C3%AEn_Moldova ''Recunoaşterea necesităţii criticii. Cauzele pentru care spiritul critic apare în Moldova''] *{{fr icon}} [[Nicolae Iorga]], [http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Histoire_des_relations_entre_la_France_et_les_Roumains ''Histoire des relations entre la France et les Roumains''] (wikisource) **[http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Histoire_des_relations_entre_la_France_et_les_Roumains:La_Monarchie_de_juillet_et_les_Roumains ''La Monarchie de juillet et les Roumains''] **[http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Histoire_des_relations_entre_la_France_et_les_Roumains:La_R%C3%A9volution_de_1848_et_les_%C3%A9migr%C3%A9s ''La Révolution de 1848 et les émigrés''] **[http://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Histoire_des_relations_entre_la_France_et_les_Roumains:La_guerre_de_Crim%C3%A9e_et_la_fondation_de_l%27Etat_roumain ''La guerre de Crimée et la fondation de l'Etat roumain''] *Albert S. Lindemann, ''Esau's Tears: Modern Anti-Semitism and the Rise of the Jews'', [[Cambridge University Press]], Cambridge, 1997. ISBN 0521593697 *Vasile Maciu, "Costche Negri, un ctitor al României moderne", in ''Magazin Istoric'', May 1975, p.66-69 *William Norton Medlicott, ''The Congress of Berlin and After'', [[Routledge]], London, 1963. ISBN 0714615013 *[[Z. Ornea]], ''Anii treizeci. Extrema dreaptă românească'', [[Editura Fundaţiei Culturale Române]], Bucharest, 1995. ISBN 973915543X *Laurence Senelick, ''National Theatre in Northern and Eastern Europe, 1746-1900'', Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991. ISBN 0521244463 *Ioana Ursu, "J. A. Vaillant, un prieten al poporului român", in ''Magazin Istoric'', July 1977, p.14-15 *[[L. S. Stavrianos|Leften Stavros Stavrianos]], ''[[The Balkans since 1453]]'', C. Hurst & Co., London, 2000. ISBN 1850655502 *{{ro icon}} Vasile Surcel, [http://old.jurnalul.ro/articol.php?id=19728 "Istoria României şi lojile masonice"], in ''[[Jurnalul Naţional]]'', [[October 11]], [[2004]], retrieved [[June 25]], [[2007]] *[[Tudor Vianu]], ''Scriitori români'', Vols. I-II, Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1970. {{OCLC|7431692}} *D. Gh. Vitcu, "Cuza în exil. Puterea dragostei de ţară", in ''Magazin Istoric'', May 1973, p.18-22 *{{ro icon}} [[Paul Zarifopol]], [http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Poezia_rom%C3%A2neasc%C4%83_%C3%AEn_epoca_lui_Asachi_%C5%9Fi_Eliade ''Poezia românească în epoca lui Asachi şi Eliade''] (wikisource) ==External links== {{Wikisourcelang|ro|Autor:Mihail Kogălniceanu|Mihail Kogălniceanu (original works in Romanian)}} {{Commons|Mihail Kogălniceanu}} *{{ro icon}} [http://museum.ici.ro/moldova/iasi/romanian/casa_memoriala_mihail_kogalnicea.htm The Mihail Kogălniceanu Memorial House in Iaşi] *{{ro icon}} [[Ion Creangă]], [http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Mo%C5%9F_Ion_Roat%C4%83 ''Moş Ion Roată''], at wikisource *[http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0002452/ ''Independenţa României''] and [http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0076602/fullcredits#cast ''Războiul Independenţei''], at the [[Internet Movie Database]] *[http://www.fge.org.ro/ateneul-roman/fresca Frescoes] at the [[Romanian Athenaeum]] site {{RomanianPrimeMinisters}} {{DEFAULTSORT:Kogalniceanu, Mihail}} [[Category:Abolitionists]] [[Category:Members of the Romanian National Liberal Party]] [[Category:Presidents of the Romanian Academy]] [[Category:Prime Ministers of Romania]] [[Category:Romanian Ministers of Foreign Affairs]] [[Category:Romanian Ministers of Interior]] [[Category:Romanian dramatists and playwrights]] [[Category:Romanian essayists]] [[Category:Romanian historians]] [[Category:Romanian literary critics]] [[Category:Romanian printers]] [[Category:Romanian revolutionaries]] [[Category:Romanian lawyers]] [[Category:Romanian magazine editors]] [[Category:Romanian magazine founders]] [[Category:Romanian memoirists]] [[Category:Romanian theatre managers and producers]] [[Category:Romanian writers in French]] [[Category:Romanticism]] [[Category:People of the Crimean War]] [[Category:People of the Revolutions of 1848]] [[Category:People from Iaşi]] [[Category:Romanian Orthodox Christians]] [[Category:Romani history in Romania]] [[Category:Humboldt University of Berlin alumni]] [[Category:1817 births]] [[Category:1891 deaths]] [[bg:Михаил Когълничану]] [[de:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[et:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[es:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[fr:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[it:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[he:מיכאיל קוגלניצ'אנו]] [[la:Michael Kogălniceanu]] [[hu:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[nl:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[pl:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[pt:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[ro:Mihail Kogălniceanu]] [[ru:Когэлничану, Михаил]]