Romanian Communist Party 1044956 218125818 2008-06-09T07:44:23Z Giraffedata 105732 fix "comprised of" [[Image:Coat of arms of PCR.svg|thumb|200px|PCR logo with the [[hammer and sickle]] symbol]] The '''Romanian Communist Party''' ([[Romanian language|Romanian]]: ''{{lang|ro|Partidul Comunist Român}}'', PCR) was a [[Communist Party|communist political party]] in [[Romania]]. Successor to the [[Bolshevik]] wing of the [[Socialist Party of Romania]], it gave ideological endorsement to [[communist revolution]] and the disestablishment of <!-- multinational/multiethnic -->[[Greater Romania]]. The PCR was a minor and illegal grouping for much of the [[interwar period]], and submitted to direct [[Comintern]] control. During the 1930s, most of its activists were imprisoned or took refuge in the [[Soviet Union]], which led to the creation of separate and competing factions until the 1950s. The Communist Party emerged as a powerful actor on the Romanian political scene in August 1944, when it became involved in the [[King Michael Coup|Royal coup]] that toppled the pro-[[Nazi Germany|Nazi]] government of [[Ion Antonescu]]. With support from [[Soviet occupation of Romania|Soviet occupation forces]], the PCR was able to force [[King of Romania|King]] [[Michael I of Romania|Michael I]] into exile, and establish the [[Communist Romania|Romanian communist regime]] in 1948, becoming the dominant, and later single [[Single-party state|ruling party]] until 1989. In 1947, the Communist Party absorbed much of the [[Romanian Social Democratic Party (defunct)|Social Democratic Party]], while attracting various new members. In the early 1950s, the PCR's dominant wing around [[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]], with support from [[Joseph Stalin]], defeated all the other factions and achieved full control over the party and country. After 1953, the Romanian Communists did not apply [[History of the Soviet Union (1953–1985)|De-Stalinization]], and, in time, theorized a "national path" to [[Communism]]. This [[Nationalism|nationalist]] stance was continued under the leadership of [[Nicolae Ceauşescu]]. Following an episode of [[liberalization]] in the late 1960s, Ceauşescu again adopted a hard line, and imposed the ''[[July Theses]]''. At the time, the PCR massively and artificially increased in size, while being entirely submitted to the will of its [[general secretary]]. Its disappearance was a direct consequence of the [[Romanian Revolution of 1989|1989 Revolution]]. The PCR coordinated several organizations during its existence, including the [[Union of Communist Youth]], and organized training for its [[cadre]]s at the [[Ştefan Gheorghiu Academy]]. In addition to ''[[Scînteia]]'', its official platform and main newspaper between 1931 and 1989, the Communist Party issued several local and national publications at various points in its history (including, after 1944, ''[[România Liberă]]''). ==History== ===Socialist-Communists: creation=== :''Main article: [[Socialist Party of Romania]]'' [[Image:TonitzaSiFiulMeu.PNG|thumb|220px|Criticism among socialist groups, as illustrated in a December 1922 caricature by [[Nicolae Tonitza]]. ''The mine owner to the miner: "A socialist, you say? My son is a socialist too, but without going on [[Strike action|strike]]..., that is why he already has his own capital..."'']] The party was founded in 1921 when the [[Bolshevik]]-inspired [[Maximum programme|maximalist]] faction won control of Romania's [[Social democracy|Social-Democratic]] party—the [[Socialist Party of Romania]], successor to the defunct [[Romanian Social-Democratic Workers' Party]] and the short-lived [[Romanian Social Democratic Party (defunct)|Romanian Social Democratic Party]] (the latter was refounded in 1927, reuniting those opposed to communist policies).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.23-27; Frunză, p.21-22</ref> The establishment was linked with the socialist group's affiliation to the [[Comintern]] (just before the latter's Third Congress): after a delegation was sent to [[Bolshevist Russia]], a group of moderates (including [[Ioan Flueraş]], [[Iosif Jumanca]], [[Leon Ghelerter]], and [[Constantin Popovici]]) left at different intervals beginning in May 1921.<ref>Frunză, p.25-28</ref> The party renamed itself the '''Socialist-Communist Party''' (''{{lang|ro|Partidul Socialist-Comunist}}'') and, soon after, the '''Communist Party of Romania''' (''{{lang|ro|Partidul Comunist din România}}'' or ''PCdR''). Competition with other socialist groups brought a drastic reduction in its membership—from the ca. 40,000 members the Socialist Party had, the new group was left with as much as 2,000<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.45; Communist press, 1923, in Frunză, p.30</ref> or as little as 500;<ref>Allegations in the Social-Democratic press, 1923, in Frunză, p.30; Iordachi I.2</ref> at the end of [[World War II]], it had only around 1,000 members.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party". According to PCR leader [[Iosif Rangheţ]]: "[...] on [[August 23]], [[1944]], our party had, in [[Bucharest]], 80 party members, not more, not less. And throughout the land our party had less than 1,000 party members, including our comrades in prisons and [[concentration camp]]s." (Rangheţ, April 25-27, 1945, in Colt). In the late 1940s, [[Ana Pauker]] allegedly gave the same estimate (Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.45; Frunză, p.202).</ref> The early Communist Party had little influence in Romania. This was due to a number of factors: the country's lack of [[Industry|industrial development]], which resulted in a relatively small [[working class]] and a large peasant population; the minor impact of [[Marxism]] among Romanian [[intellectual]]s; the success of state repression in driving the party underground and limiting its activities; and finally, the party's "anti-national" policy, as it began to be stated in the 1920s—supervised by the Comintern, this policy called for the breakup of [[Greater Romania]], which was regarded as a [[Colonialism|colonial]] entity "illegally occupying" [[Transylvania]], [[Dobruja]], [[Bessarabia]] and [[Bukovina]] (regions that, the communists argued, had been denied the right of [[self-determination]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.18-45; Frunză, p.38-48, 63-72; Iordachi, I.2; Pokivailova, p.48; Troncotă, p.19-20; Veiga, p.222</ref> In 1924, the Comintern provoked Romanian authorities by encouraging the [[Tatarbunary Uprising]] in southern Bessarabia, in an attempt to create a [[Moldovenism|Moldavian]] republic on Romanian territory;<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.36; Frunză, p.71; Troncotă, p.19; Veiga, p.115</ref> also in that year, a [[Moldavian ASSR|Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic]], roughly corresponding to [[Transnistria]], was established inside the Soviet Union. At the same time, the [[left-wing]] political spectrum was dominated by [[Poporanism]], an original ideology which partly reflected [[Narodnik]] influence, placed its focus on the peasantry (as it notably did with the early advocacy of [[cooperative farming]] by [[Ion Mihalache]]'s [[Peasants' Party (Romania)|Peasants' Party]]), and usually strongly supported the post-1919 territorial status quo—although they tended to oppose the [[Centralized government|centralized system]] it had come to imply. (In turn, the early conflict between the PCdR and other minor socialist groups has been attributed to the legacy of [[Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea]]'s quasi-Poporanist ideas inside the latter, as an intellectual basis for the rejection of [[Leninism]].)<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.47-48</ref> The PCdR's "foreign" image was due to the fact that [[Romanians|ethnic Romanians]] were a minority in its ranks until after the end of World War II:<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.18, 44</ref> between 1924 and 1944, none of its [[General Secretary|general secretaries]] was of Romanian ethnicity. [[Interwar period|Interwar]] Romania had a minority population of 30%, and it was largely from this section that the party drew its membership—a large percentage of it was [[History of the Jews in Romania|Jews]], [[Hungarian minority in Romania|Hungarians]] and [[Bulgarians]].<ref>Iordachi, I.2; Pokivailova, p.47</ref> Actual or perceived ethnic discrimination against these minorities added to the appeal of [[Communist revolution|revolutionary]] ideas in their midst.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.18</ref> ===PCdR: Comintern and internal wing=== Shortly after its creation, the PCdR's leadership was alleged by authorities to have been involved in [[Max Goldstein]]'s bomb attack on the [[Parliament of Romania]]; all major party figures, including the general secretary [[Gheorghe Cristescu]], were prosecuted in the [[Dealul Spirii Trial]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.27-30</ref> [[Constantin Argetoianu]], the [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Minister of the Interior]] in the [[Alexandru Averescu]], [[Take Ionescu]], and [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]] cabinets, equated Comintern membership with [[Conspiracy (political)|conspiracy]], ordered the first in a series of repressions, and, in the context of trial, allowed for several communist activists (including [[Leonte Filipescu]]) to be shot while in custody&mdash;alleging that they had attempted to flee.<ref>Troncotă, p.18-19</ref> Consequently, he stated his belief that "communism is over in Romania",<ref>Argetoianu, June 1922, in Troncotă, p.19</ref> which allowed for a momentary relaxing of pressures&mdash;begun by [[King of Romania|King]] [[Ferdinand I of Romania|Ferdinand]]'s granting of an [[amnesty]] to the tried PCdR.<ref>Troncotă, p.19</ref> The PCdR was thus unable to send representatives to the Comintern, and was virtually replaced abroad by a delegation of various activists who had fled to the [[Soviet Union]] at various intervals (Romanian groups in [[Moscow]] and [[Kharkiv]], the sources of a "''Muscovite wing''" in the following decades).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.37, 44; Deletant & Ionescu, p.4-5; Frunză, p.38-39</ref> The interior party only survived as an underground group after it was outlawed by the Brătianu government through the ''Mârzescu Law'' (named after its proponent, [[Minister of Justice (Romania)|Minister of Justice]] [[Gheorghe Gh. Mârzescu]]), passed in April 1924; Comintern sources indicate that, around 1928, it was losing contact with Soviet overseers.<ref>Frunză, p.32-33</ref> In 1925, the question of Romania's borders as posed by the Comintern led to protests by Cristescu and, eventually, to his exclusion from the party (''see [[Balkan Communist Federation]]'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.38-39; Frunză, p.49-50</ref> Around the time of the party's Fifth Congress in 1931, the Muscovite wing became the PCdR's main political factor: [[Joseph Stalin]] replaced the entire party leadership, including the general secretary [[Vitali Holostenco]]&mdash;appointing instead [[Alexander Stefanski]], who was at the time a member of the [[Communist Party of Poland]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.41; Frunză, p.51-53</ref> Through regained Comintern control, the interior wing began organizing itself as a more efficient conspiratorial network.<ref>Troncotă, p.20-22</ref> The onset of the [[Great Depression]] in Romania, and the series of strikes infiltrated (and sometimes provoked) by the interior wing signified relative successes (''see [[Lupeni Strike of 1929]]''), but gains were not capitalized&mdash;as lack of ideological appeal and suspicion of [[Stalinism|Stalinist]] directives remained notable factors.<ref>Frunză, p.58-62</ref> In parallel, its leadership suffered changes that were meant to place it under an ethnic Romanian and working class leadership&mdash;the emergence of a Stalin-backed group around [[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]] before and after the large-scale [[Griviţa Strike of 1933|Griviţa Strikes]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.41-43; Frunză, p.53-62</ref> In 1934, Stalin's ''[[Popular Front]]'' doctrine was not fully passed into the local party's politics, mainly due to the Soviet territorial policies (culminating in the 1939 [[Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact]]) and the widespread suspicion other left-wing forces maintained toward the Comintern.<ref>Frunză, p.85; Pokivailova, p.48</ref> The Communists did, nevertheless, attempt to reach consensus with other groupings on several occasions (in 1934-1943, they established alliances with the [[Ploughmen's Front]], the [[Hungarian People's Union (Romania)|Hungarian People's Union]], and the [[Socialist Peasants' Party]]), and small Communist groups became active in the leftist sections of mainstream parties.<ref>Veiga, p.223</ref> In 1934, [[Petre Constantinescu-Iaşi]] and other PCdR supporters created ''[[Amicii URSS]]'', a pro-Soviet group reaching out to [[intellectual]]s, itself banned later in the same year.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe unerii...'', p.110-118; "Comunismul şi cel care a trăit Iluzia"</ref> During the [[Romanian general election, 1937|1937 elections]], the Communists backed [[Iuliu Maniu]] and the [[National Peasants' Party]] against King [[Carol II of Romania|Carol II]] and the [[Gheorghe Tătărescu]] government (who had intensified repression of Communist groups),<ref>Veiga, p.223</ref> finding themselves placed in an unusual position after the [[Iron Guard]], a [[Fascism|fascist]] movement, signed an electoral pact with Maniu;<ref>Veiga, p.235</ref> participation in the move was explained by Communist [[historiography]] as provoked by the [[Romanian Social Democratic Party (defunct)|Social-Democrats]]' refusal to collaborate with the PCdR.<ref>Frunză, p.84</ref> ===PCdR: late 1930s decline=== In the years following the elections, the PCdR entered a phase of rapid decline, coinciding with the increasingly [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] tone of King Carol's regime (but in fact inaugurated by the 1936 trial of [[Ana Pauker]] and other high-ranking Communists in [[Craiova]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii..'', p.43, 170-171; Frunză, p.84, 102-103</ref> Journals viewed as associates of the party were closed down, and all suspected PCdR activists faced detention (''see [[Doftana Prison]]'').<ref>Pokivailova, p.48; Veiga, p.223-224</ref> [[Siguranţa Statului]], the Romanian [[secret police]], infiltrated the small interior wing and probably obtained valuable information about its activities.<ref>Pokivailova, p.47</ref> The financial resources of the party, ensured by Soviet support and by various satellite organizations (collecting funds in the name of causes such as [[pacifism]] or support for the [[Second Spanish Republic|Republican]] side in the [[Spanish Civil War]]), were severely drained&mdash;by political difficulties at home, as well as, after 1939, by the severing of connections with Moscow in [[France]] and [[First Republic of Czechoslovakia|Czechoslovakia]].<ref>Pokivailova, p.46-47</ref> Consequently, the Executive Committee of the Comintern called on Romanian Communists to infiltrate the [[National Renaissance Front]] (FRN), the newly-created sole legal party of Carol's dictatorship, and attempt to attract members of its structures to the revolutionary cause.<ref>Pokivailova, p.48</ref> Until 1944, the group active inside Romania became split between the "''prison faction''" (detainees who looked to Gheorghiu-Dej as their leader) and the one around [[Ştefan Foriş]] and [[Remus Koffler]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.42, 44, 48-50; Deletant & Ionescu, p.4-5</ref> The exterior faction of the party was decimated during the [[Great Purge]]: an entire generation of party activists was killed on Stalin's orders, including, among others, [[Alexandru Dobrogeanu-Gherea]], [[David Fabian]], [[Ecaterina Arbore]], [[Imre Aladar]], [[Elena Filipescu]], [[Dumitru Grofu]], [[Ion Dic Dicescu]], [[Eugen Rozvan]], [[Marcel Pauker]], [[Alexander Stefanski]], [[Timotei Marin]], and [[Elek Köblös]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii..'', p.42-43; Frunză, p.90-91, 151, 215; Pokivailova, p.45</ref> It was to be [[Ana Pauker]]'s mission to take over and reshape the surviving structure.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.43, 52, 171-172; Frunză, p.103-104, 149-154, 215</ref> ===PCdR: World War II=== :''Main article: [[Romania during World War II]]'' In 1940, Romania had to cede Bessarabia and [[Bukovina|Northern Bukovina]] to the Soviet Union and [[Southern Dobruja]] to [[Bulgaria]] (''see [[Soviet occupation of Bessarabia]], [[Treaty of Craiova]]''); in contrast with the general mood, the PCdR welcomed both gestures along the lines of its earlier activism.<ref>Frunză, p.72; Pokivailova, p.48</ref> Official history, after ca. 1950, stated that the PCdR protested [[Northern Transylvania]]'s cession to [[Hungary]] later in the same year (the [[Second Vienna Arbitration]]), but evidence is inconclusive<ref>Frunză, p.72, 105-107, 127</ref> (party documents attesting the policy are dated after [[Nazi Germany]]'s [[Operation Barbarossa|invasion of the Soviet Union]]).<ref>Frunză, p.106-107</ref> As the border changes sparked a political crisis leading to an Iron Guard takeover&mdash;the [[National Legionary State]]&mdash;the interior wing's confusion intensified: the upper echelon faced investigation from [[Georgi Dimitrov]] (as well as other Comintern officials) on charges of "[[Trotskyism]]",<ref>Pokivailova, p.48</ref> and, since the FRN had crumbled, several low-ranking party officials actually began collaborating with the new regime.<ref>Pokivailova, p.48</ref> At around the same time, a small section of the exterior wing remained active in France, where it eventually joined the [[French Resistance|Resistance]] to [[German occupation of France in World War II|German occupation]]&mdash;it included [[Gheorghe Gaston Marin]] and the ''[[Francs-tireurs]]''' [[Olga Bancic]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.52; Frunză, p.103, 402</ref> As Romania came under the rule of [[Ion Antonescu]] and, as an [[Axis Powers|Axis]] country, joined in the German [[Operation Barbarossa|offensive against the Soviets]], the Communist Party began approaching traditional parties that were engaged in semi-clandestine opposition to Antonescu: alongside the [[Romanian Social Democratic Party (defunct)|Social Democrats]], it began talks with the [[National Peasants' Party|National Peasants]]' and the [[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal]] parties. At the time, virtually all the interior leadership was imprisoned at various locations (most of them [[Internment|interned]] near [[Târgu Jiu]]).<ref>Frunză, p.122-123, 138</ref> In June 1943, after troops were suffering major defeats on the [[Eastern Front (World War II)|Eastern Front]], the PCdR proposed that all parties form a ''Blocul Naţional Democrat'' ("National Democratic Bloc"), in order to arrange for Romania to withdraw from its alliance with Nazi Germany.<ref>Frunză, p.123</ref> The ensuing talks were prolonged by various factors, most notably by the opposition of the National Peasants' Party leader [[Iuliu Maniu]], who, alarmed by Soviet successes, was trying to reach a satisfactory compromise with the [[Western Allies]] (and, together with the National Liberals' leader [[Dinu Brătianu]], continued to back negotiations initiated by Antonescu and [[Barbu Ştirbey]] with the [[United States]] and the [[United Kingdom]]).<ref>Frunză, p.123-125; 130-131</ref> In early 1944, as the [[Red Army]] reached and crossed the [[Prut River]] (''see [[Battle of Târgul Frumos]]''), the self-confidence and status gained by the PCdR made possible the creation of the Bloc, which was designed as the basis of a future anti-Axis government.<ref>Frunză, p.125</ref> Parallel contacts were established, through [[Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu]] and [[Emil Bodnăraş]], between the PCdR, the Soviets, and [[King of Romania|King]] [[Michael of Romania|Michael]].<ref>Frunză, p.131-133, 139</ref> A seminal event also occurred during those months: [[Ştefan Foriş]], who was still general secretary, was deposed by with Soviet approval by a the rival "''prison faction''" (at the time, it was headed by former inmates of the prison in [[Caransebeş]]); replaced with the [[Troika (triumvirate)|troika]] formed by [[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]], [[Constantin Pîrvulescu]], and [[Iosif Rangheţ]], Foriş was discreetly assassinated in 1946.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.49-50, 62; "Comunismul şi cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Frunză, p.400-402</ref> Several assessments view Foriş' dismissal as the complete rupture in historical continuity between the PCdR established in 1921 and what became the ruling party of [[Communist Romania]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.50; Frunză, p.213, 218-221, 402</ref> [[Image:Red_Army_greeted_in_Bucharest.jpg|thumb|300px|People in [[Bucharest]] greet Romania's new ally, the [[Red Army]], on [[August 31]], [[1944]]]] On [[August 23]], [[1944]], King Michael, a number of [[Romanian Armed Forces]] officers, and armed Communist-led civilians supported by the National Democratic Bloc arrested dictator [[Ion Antonescu]] into a safe and seized control of the government (''see [[King Michael Coup]]'').<ref>Frunză, p.128-137</ref> King Michael then proclaimed the old [[1923 Constitution of Romania|1923 Constitution]] in force, ordered the Romanian Army to enter a [[ceasefire]] with the Red Army on the [[Moldavia]]n front, and withdrew Romania from the Axis.<ref>Frunză, p.126-129</ref> Later party discourse tended to dismiss the importance of both the Soviet offensive and the dialogue with other forces (and eventually described the coup as a revolt with large popular support).<ref>Frunză, p.130-145</ref> The King named General [[Constantin Sănătescu]] as [[List of Prime Ministers of Romania|Prime Minister]] of a [[coalition government]] which was dominated by the National Peasants' Party and National Liberal Party, but included Pătrăşcanu as [[Minister of Justice (Romania)|Minister of Justice]]&mdash;the first Communist to hold high office in Romania. The Red Army entered [[Bucharest]] on [[August 31]], and thereafter played a crucial role in supporting the Communist Party's rise to power as the Soviet military command virtually ruled the city and the country (''see [[Soviet occupation of Romania]]'').<ref>Frunză, p.171, 178-190</ref> ===PCdR: in opposition to Sănătescu and Rădescu=== After having been underground for two decades, the Communists enjoyed little popular support at first, compared to the other opposition parties (however, the decrease in popularity of the National Liberals was reflected in the forming of a splinter-group around [[Gheorghe Tătărescu]], the [[National Liberal Party-Tătărescu]], who later entered an alliance with the Communist Party). Soon after August 23, the Communists also engaged in an increasingly violent campaign against Romania's main political group of the times, the National Peasants' Party, and its leaders [[Iuliu Maniu]] and [[Ion Mihalache]]. The conflict's first stage was centered on Communist allegations that Maniu had encouraged violence against the [[Hungarian minority in Romania|Hungarian community]] in newly-recovered [[Northern Transylvania]]<ref>Frunză, p.163-170</ref>&mdash;at a time when the region's status was being assessed by the [[Paris Peace Treaties, 1947|Paris Peace Conference]]. The Communist Party, engaged in a massive recruitment campaign,<ref>Frunză, p.201-212; according to Rangheţ: "After 3 months of our party's legal existence, in October, we had almost 5-6,000 party members. [...] What is this to say? That we expanded the [[cadre]]s, party members, by only very, very little, if we are to keep in mind the present legal situation, if we keep in mind that, through our party's work, thousands, tens and hundreds of thousands workers were rallied. [...] During this time, when our party only had 5-6,000 party members, we held large, huge protests against the [daily] realities in our country, in Bucharest as well as throughout the land..." (Rangheţ, April 25-27, 1945, in Colt)</ref> was able to attract ethnic Romanians in large numbers&mdash;workers and intellectuals alike, as well as former members of the [[Fascism|fascist]] [[Iron Guard]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.297; Frunză, p.208</ref> By 1947, it grew to around 710,000 members.<ref>Barbu, p.190</ref> Although the PCR was still highly disorganized and factionalized,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.51-52; Deletant & Ionescu, p.4-5; Frunză, p.218-219</ref> it benefited from Soviet backing (including that of [[Vladislav Petrovich Vinogradov]] and other Soviet appointees to the [[Allied Commission]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.45, 59-61</ref> After 1944, it was leading a [[paramilitary]] wing, the Patriotic Defense (''Apărarea Patriotică'', disbanded in 1948),<ref>Frunză, p.176</ref> and a cultural society, the [[Romanian Society for Friendship with the Soviet Union]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.106-148</ref> On PCdR initiative, the National Democratic Bloc was dissolved on [[October 8]], [[1944]]; instead, the Communists, Social Democrats, the [[Ploughmen's Front]], [[Mihai Ralea]]'s [[Socialist Peasants' Party]] (which was absorbed by the former in November),<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.154</ref> the [[Hungarian People's Union]] (MADOSZ), and [[Mitiţă Constantinescu]]'s [[Union of Patriots (Romania)|Union of Patriots]] formed ''Frontul Naţional Democrat'' (the "National Democratic Front", FND) which, campaigned against the government, demanding the appointment of more Communist officials and sympathizers, while claiming [[Democracy|democratic]] legitimacy and alleging that Sănătescu had dictatorial ambitions.<ref>Barbu, p.187-189; Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.55-56; Frunză, p.173-174, 220-222, 237-238, 254-255</ref> The FND was soon joined by the Liberal group around Tătărescu, [[Nicolae L. Lupu]]'s ''Democratic Peasants' Party'' (the latter claimed the legacy from the defunct [[Peasants' Party (Romania)|Peasants' Party]]), and [[Anton Alexandrescu]]'s faction (separated from the [[National Peasants' Party]]).<ref>Frunză, p.186-190</ref> Sănătescu resigned in November, but was persuaded by King [[Michael I of Romania|Michael]] to form a second government which collapsed within weeks. General [[Nicolae Rădescu]] was asked to form a government and appointed [[Teohari Georgescu]] to the [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Ministry of the Interior]], which allowed for the introduction of Communists into the security forces.<ref>Barbu, p.187-188; Frunză, p.174-177</ref> The Communist Party subsequently launched a campaign against the Rădescu government, culminating in a [[February 13]], [[1945]] demonstration outside the [[National Museum of Art of Romania|Royal Palace]], and followed a week later by street fighting between Georgescu's Communist forces and supporters of the National Peasants' Party in Bucharest.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.56; Frunză, p.180-181</ref> In a period of escalating chaos, Rădescu called for elections. The Soviet deputy foreign minister [[Andrey Vyshinsky]] went to Bucharest to demand to the monarch that he appoint Communist sympathizer [[Petru Groza]] as Prime Minister, offering that Romania would be given sovereignty over [[Transylvania]] if he agreed, and intimating a Soviet takeover of the country if he did not.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.157; Frunză, p.180-184</ref> King Michael, under pressure from Soviet troops who were disarming the Romanian military and occupying key installations,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.156-157; Frunză, p.181-182</ref> agreed and dismissed Rădescu, who fled the country.<ref>Frunză, p.183-184</ref> ===PCdR: First Groza cabinet=== On [[March 6]], Groza became leader of a Communist-dominated government and named Communists to lead the [[Romanian Armed Forces]] as well as the ministries of the [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Interior]] (Georgescu), [[Ministry of Justice (Romania)|Justice]] ([[Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu]]), [[Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (Romania)|Communications]] ([[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]]), [[Propaganda]] ([[Petre Constantinescu-Iaşi]]) and [[Ministry of Public Finance (Romania)|Finance]] ([[Vasile Luca]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.57</ref> The non-Communist ministers came from the Social Democrats (who were falling under the control of the pro-Communists [[Lothar Rădăceanu]] and [[Ştefan Voitec]]) and the traditional [[Ploughmen's Front]] ally, as well as, nominally, from the National Peasants' and [[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal]] parties (followers of Tătărescu and Alexandrescu's dissident wings).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.93; Frunză, p.187-189</ref> As a result of the [[Potsdam Conference]], where [[Western Allies|Western Allied]] governments refused to recognize Groza's administration, King Michael called on Groza to resign. When he refused, the monarch went to his summer home in [[Sinaia]] and refused to sign any government decrees or bills (a period colloquially known as ''greva regală'' - "the royal strike").<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.61-64, 159-161</ref> Following Anglo-American mediation, Groza agreed to include politicians from outside his electoral alliance, appointing two secondary figures in their parties (the National Liberal [[Mihail Romaniceanu]] and the National Peasants' [[Emil Haţieganu]]) as [[Minister without Portfolio|Ministers without Portfolio]] (January 1946).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.63, 159-160</ref> At the time, Groza's party and the PCR came to publicly disagree on several agrarian issues, before the Ploughmen's Front was eventually pressured into supporting Communist tenets.<ref>Cioroianu, p.161-162</ref> In the meantime, the first measure taken by the cabinet was a new [[land reform]] that advertised, among others, an interest into peasant issues and a respect for property (in front of common fears that a [[Leninism|Leninist]] program was about to be adopted).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.58-59; Frunză, p.198-200, 221</ref> Although contrasted by the Communist press with its previous equivalent, the measure was in fact much less relevant&mdash;land awarded to individual farmers in 1923 was more than three times the 1945 figures, and all effects were canceled by the 1948-1962 [[collectivization]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.58; Frunză, p.200, 221</ref> It was also then that, through Pătrăşcanu and [[Alexandru Drăghici]], the Communists consecrated their control of the legal system&mdash;the process included the creation of the [[Romanian People's Tribunals]], charged with investigating [[war crime]]s, and constantly supported by [[agitprop]] in the Communist press.<ref>Frunză, p.228-232</ref> During the period, government-backed Communists used various means to exercising influence over the vast majority of the press, and began infiltrating or competing with independent cultural forums.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.77-93, 106-148; Frunză, p.240-258</ref> Economic dominance, partly responding to Soviet requirements, was first effected through the [[SovRoms]] (created in the summer of 1945), directing the bulk of Romanian trade towards the Soviet Union.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.67-71, 372-373; Frunză, p.381</ref> ===PCR: 1945 restructuring and second Groza cabinet=== :''Main article: [[Romanian general election, 1946]]'' The Communist Party held its first open conference (October 1945, at the [[Mihai Viteazul High School]] in [[Bucharest]]) and agreed to replace the [[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]]-[[Constantin Pîrvulescu]]-[[Iosif Rangheţ]] [[Troika (triumvirate)|troika]] with a joint leadership reflecting an uneasy balance between the external and internal wings: while Gheorghiu-Dej retained his [[general secretary]] position, [[Ana Pauker]], [[Teohari Georgescu]] and [[Vasile Luca]] became the other main leaders.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.62, 91-93, 174-176, 194-195; Frunză, p.219-220</ref> The post-1945 constant growth in membership, by far the highest of all [[Eastern Bloc]] countries,<ref>Barbu, p.190-191</ref> was to provide a base of support for Gheorghiu-Dej. The conference also saw the first mention of the PCdR as the '''Romanian Communist Party''' (PCR), the new name being used as a [[propaganda]] tool suggesting a closer connection with the [[national interest]].<ref>Frunză, p.220</ref> Party control over the security forces was successfully used on [[November 8]], [[1945]], when the Bucharest populace gathered in front of the [[National Museum of Art of Romania|Royal Palace]] to express solidarity with King Michael, who was still refusing to sign his name to new legislation, on the occasion of his [[November 8 (Eastern Orthodox liturgics)|name day]].<ref>Frunză, p.233</ref> Demonstrators were faced with gunshots; around 10 people were killed, and many wounded.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.62; Frunză, p.233</ref> The official account, according to which the Groza government responded to a coup attempt,<ref>Frunză, p.234</ref> was since dismissed in many researches.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.64-66; Frunză, p.234-239</ref> The PCR and its allies won the [[Romanian general election, 1946|Romanian elections of November 19]], although there is evidence of widespread [[electoral fraud]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.64-66; Frunză, p.287-292</ref> The following months were dedicated to confronting the [[National Peasants' Party]], which was annihilated after the [[Tămădău Affair]] and [[show trial]] of its entire leadership.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.95-96; Frunză, p.287-308</ref> On [[December 30]], [[1947]], the Communist Party's power was consolidated when King Michael was forced to [[Abdication|abdicate]] and a "[[People's Republic]]", firmly aligned with the Soviet Union, was proclaimed.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.97-101</ref> According to the king, his signature was obtained after the Groza cabinet representatives threatened to kill 1,000 students they had rounded up in custody.<ref>Cioroianu, p.99; Craig S. Smith, [http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/27/world/europe/27michael.html?pagewanted=1&_r=3 "Romania's King Without a Throne Outlives Foes and Setbacks"], in ''[[The New York Times]]'', [[January 27]], [[2007]]; retrieved [[December 7]], [[2007]]</ref> ===PMR: creation=== [[Image:ROL 10 1952 obverse.jpg|thumb|330px|10 [[Romanian leu|lei]] bill of 1952, with imagery favored by the new Communist state]] In February 1948, the Communists ended a long process of infiltrating the [[Romanian Social Democratic Party (defunct)|Romanian Social Democratic Party]] (ensuring control through electoral alliances and the two-party ''Frontul Unic Muncitoresc''&mdash;Singular Workers' Front, the PCR had profited from the departure of [[Constantin Titel Petrescu]]'s group from the Social Democrats in March 1946). The Social Democrats fused with the PCR to form the '''Romanian Workers' Party''' (''Partidul Muncitoresc Român'', PMR) which remained the ruling party's official name until 1965 (when it returned to the designation as ''Romanian Communist Party'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.93-94; Frunză, p.259-286, 329-359</ref> Nevertheless, Social Democrats were excluded from most party posts and were forced to support Communist policies on the basis of [[democratic centralism]];<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Frunză, p.274, 350-354</ref> it was also reported that only half of the PSD's 500,000 members joined the newly-founded grouping.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.2</ref> Capitalizing on these gains, the Communist government banned almost all other political parties after winning purely formal elections in 1948 (the [[Ploughmen's Front]] and the [[Hungarian People's Union]] dissolved themselves in 1953).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.292; Frunză, p.355-357</ref> A new series of economic changes followed: the [[National Bank of Romania]] was passed into full [[public ownership]] (December 1946),<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.72-73</ref> and, in order to combat the [[Romanian leu]]'s [[devaluation]], a surprise [[monetary reform]] was imposed as a [[Stabilisation policy|stabilization]] measure in August 1947 (with disastrous consequences on the livelihoods of [[middle class]] citizens).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.73-74</ref> The [[Marshall Plan]] was being overtly condemned,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.74</ref> while [[nationalization]] and a [[planned economy]] were enforced beginning [[June 11]], [[1948]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.74-75</ref> The first [[Five-year plans of Romania|five-year plan]], conceived by [[Miron Constantinescu]]'s Soviet-Romanian committee, was adopted in 1950.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.75-76</ref> Of newly-enforced measures, the arguably most far-reaching was [[Collectivization in Romania|collectivization]]&mdash;by 1962, when the process was considered complete, 96% of the total [[arable land]] had been enclosed in [[collective farming]], while around 80,000 peasants faced trial for resisting and 17,000 others were uprooted or [[Penal transportation|deported]] for being ''chiaburi'' (the Romanian equivalent of ''[[kulak]]s'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.76, 251-253; Deletant & Ionescu, p.3-4; Frunză, p.393-394, 412-413</ref> In 1950, the party, which viewed itself as the [[Vanguard party|vanguard of the working class]],<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.3</ref> reported that people of [[Proletariat|proletarian]] origin held 64% of party offices and 40% of higher government posts, while results of the recruitment efforts remained below official expectations.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> ===PMR: internal purges=== During the period, the central scene of the PMR was occupied by the conflict between the "''Muscovite wing''", the "''prison wing''" led by [[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]], and the newly-emerged and weaker "''Secretariat wing''" led by [[Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu]]. After October 1945, the two former groups had associated in neutralizing Pătrăşcanu's&mdash;exposed as "[[bourgeois]]" and progressively marginalized, it was ultimately decapitated in 1948.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.194-195, 200-201; Frunză, p.359-363; 407-410</ref> Beginning that year, the PMR leadership officially questioned its own political support, and began a massive campaign to remove "foreign and hostile elements"<ref>[[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]], in Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.299</ref> from its rapidly expanded structures.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.297, 298-300</ref> In 1952, with Stalin's renewed approval,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.180</ref> Gheorghiu-Dej emerged victorious from the confrontation with [[Ana Pauker]], his chief "Muscovite" rival, as well as purging [[Vasile Luca]], [[Teohari Georgescu]], and their supporters from the party&mdash;alleging that their various political attitudes were proof of "[[Right Opposition|right-wing deviationism]]".<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.180-182, 200-203; Frunză, p.403-407; Tismăneanu, p.16</ref> Out of a membership of approximately one million, between 300,000<ref>Cioroianu, p.299</ref> and 465,000<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> members, almost half of the party, was removed in the successive purges. The specific target for the "verification campaign", as it was officially called, were former [[Iron Guard]] affiliates.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.5</ref> The move against Pauker's group echoed [[Stalinism|Stalinist]] purges of [[Jew]]s in particular from other Communist Parties in the [[Eastern bloc]]&mdash;notably, the [[Rootless cosmopolitan|anti-"Cosmopolitan"]] campaign in which [[Joseph Stalin]] targeted Jews in the Soviet Union, and the [[Prague Trials]] in [[History of Communist Czechoslovakia|Czechoslovakia]] which removed Jews from leading positions in that country's Communist government.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.5-6; Frunză, p.403-407</ref> At the same time, a [[1952 Constitution of Romania|new republican constitution]], replacing its 1948 precedent, legislated Stalinist tenets,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.103; Deletant & Ionescu, p.3</ref> and proclaimed that "the people's democratic state is consistently carrying out the policy of enclosing and eliminating [[Capitalism|capitalist]] elements".<ref>1952 Constitution, in Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.103-104</ref> Gheorghiu-Dej, who remained an orthodox Stalinist,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.195-196; Tismăneanu, p.19, 22-23</ref> took the position of [[List of Prime Ministers of Romania|Premier]] while moving [[Petru Groza]] to the [[List of Presidents of Romania|Presidency of the People's Republic]]. Executive and PMR leaderships remained in Gheorghiu-Dej's charge until his death in 1965 (with the exception of 1954-1955, when his office of PMR leader was taken over by [[Gheorghe Apostol]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.204</ref> From the moment it came to power and until Stalin's death, as the [[Cold War]] erupted, the PMR endorsed Soviet requirements for the [[Eastern Bloc]]. Aligning the country with the [[Cominform]], it officially condemned [[Josip Broz Tito]]'s [[Titoism|independent actions]] in [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|Yugoslavia]]; Tito was routinely attacked by the official press, and the Romanian-Yugoslav [[Danube]] border became the scene of massive [[agitprop]] displays (''see [[Tito-Stalin split]] and [[Informbiro]]'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.197-198</ref> ===PMR: Gheorghiu-Dej and de-Stalinization=== Uncomfortable and possibly threatened by the reformist measures adopted by Stalin's successor, [[Nikita Khrushchev]], Gheorghiu-Dej began to steer Romania towards a more "independent" path while remaining within the Soviet orbit during the late 1950s. Following the [[20th Congress of the CPSU|Twentieth Party Congress]] of the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]], in which Khurshchev initiated [[History of the Soviet Union (1953-1985)|De-Stalinization]], Gheorghiu-Dej issued [[propaganda]] accusing Pauker, Luca and Georgescu of having been an arch-Stalinists responsible for the party's excesses in the late 1940s and early 1950s (notably, in regard to collectivization) &mdash;despite the fact that they had occasionally opposed a number of radical measures advocated by the General Secretary.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.76, 181-182, 206; Frunză, p.393-394</ref> After that purge, Gheorghiu-Dej had begun promoting PMR activists who were perceived as more loyal to his own political views; among them were [[Nicolae Ceauşescu]],<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.391-394; Deletant & Ionescu, p.7, 20-21; Tismăneanu, p.12, 27-31</ref> [[Gheorghe Stoica]], [[Ghizela Vass]],<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.201</ref> [[Grigore Preoteasa]],<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.210-211</ref> [[Alexandru Bârlădeanu]],<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.207, 375; Frunză, p.437</ref> [[Ion Gheorghe Maurer]], [[Gheorghe Gaston Marin]], [[Paul Niculescu-Mizil]], and [[Gheorghe Rădulescu]];<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.375; Frunză, p.437</ref> in parallel, citing Khrushchevite precedents, the PMR briefly reorganized its leadership on a plural basis (1954-1955),<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.204; Deletant & Ionescu, p.7; Tismăneanu, p.10-12</ref> while Gheorghiu-Dej reshaped party doctrine to include ambiguous messages about Stalin's legacy (insisting on the defunct Soviet's leader contribution to Marxist thought, official documents also deplored his [[personality cult]] and encouraged Stalinists to [[self-criticism]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.206, 217-218; Deletant & Ionescu, p.7-8, 9; Frunză, p.424-425; Tismăneanu, p.9, 16</ref> In this context, the PMR soon dismissed all the relevant consequences of the Twentieth Soviet Congress, and Gheorghiu-Dej even argued that De-Stalinization had been imposed by his team right after 1952.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.206, 217; Deletant & Ionescu, p.8, 9; Frunză, p.430-434; Tismăneanu, p.15-16, 18-19</ref> At a party meeting in March 1956, two members of the [[Politburo]] who were supporters of Khruschevite reforms, [[Miron Constantinescu]] and [[Iosif Chişinevschi]], criticized Gheorghiu-Dej's leadership and identified him with Romanian Stalinism.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.136, 206-207; Deletant & Ionescu, p.8-9; Frunză, p.425; Tismăneanu, p.11-12, 16-19, 24-26</ref> They were purged in 1957, themselves accused of being Stalinists and of having been plotting with Pauker.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.136, 208; Tismăneanu, p.22, 23-24, 27</ref> Through Ceauşescu's voice, Gheorghiu-Dej also marginalized another group of old members of the PMR, associated with [[Constantin Doncea]] (June 1958).<ref>Tismăneanu, p.29-30</ref> On the outside too, the PMR, leading a country that had joined the [[Warsaw Pact]], remained an agent of political repression: it fully supported Khurshchev's invasion of [[People's Republic of Hungary|Hungary]] in response to the [[Hungarian Revolution of 1956|Revolution of 1956]], after which [[Imre Nagy]] and other dissident Hungarian leaders were imprisoned on Romanian soil.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.198-200, 207; Deletant & Ionescu, p.9-13; Frunză, p.426-428-434; Tismăneanu, p.19-23</ref> The Hungarian rebellion also sparked student protests in such places as Bucharest, [[Timişoara]], [[Oradea]], [[Cluj-Napoca|Cluj]] and [[Iaşi]], which contributed to unease inside the PMR and resulted in a wave of arrests.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.10-11, 34; Tismăneanu, p.21, 31</ref> While refusing to allow dissemination of Soviet literature exposing Stalinism (writers such as [[Ilya Ehrenburg]] and [[Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn]]), Romanian leaders took active part in the campaign against [[Boris Pasternak]].<ref>Frunză, p.429</ref> Despite Stalin's death, the massive police apparatus headed by the [[Securitate]] (created in 1949 and rapidly growing in numbers)<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.291-294; Deletant & Ionescu, p.4</ref> maintained a steady pace in its suppression of "[[Enemy of the people|class enemies]]", until as late as 1962-1964&mdash;in 1962-1964, the party leadership approved a mass [[amnesty]], extended to, among other prisoners, ca. 6,700 guilty of [[political crime]]s.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.221, 314-315; Deletant & Ionescu, p.19</ref> This marked a toning down in the violence and scale of repression, after almost twenty years during which the Party had acted against political opposition and [[Romanian anti-communist resistance movement|active anti-communist resistance]], as well as against [[Religion in Romania|religious institutions]] (most notably, the [[Romanian Roman-Catholic Church|Romanian Roman-Catholic]] and [[Romanian Church United with Rome, Greek-Catholic|Greek-Catholic]] Churches).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.268-318; Frunză, p.367-370, 392-399</ref> Estimates for the total number of victims in the 1947/1948-1964 period vary significantly: as low as 160,000<ref>Barbu, p.192</ref> or 282,000<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.313</ref> political prisoners, and as high 600,000<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.313</ref> (a great number were killed or died in custody&mdash;according to one estimate, about 190,000 people).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.313</ref> Notorious penal facilities of the time included the [[Danube-Black Sea Canal]], [[Sighet prison|Sighet]], [[Gherla prison|Gherla]], [[Aiud]], [[Piteşti prison|Piteşti]], and [[Râmnicu Sărat]]; another method of punishment was [[Bărăgan deportations|deportation to the inhospitable Bărăgan Plain]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.300-319; Frunză, p.394-399</ref> ===PMR: Gheorghiu-Dej and the "national path"=== [[Nationalism]] penetrated official discourse, largely owing to Gheorghiu-Dej's call for economic independence and distancing from the [[Comecon]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.212-217, 219, 220, 372-376; Frunză, p.440-444</ref> Moves to withdraw the country from Soviet overseeing were taken in quick succession after 1953. Khrushchev allowed Constantinescu to dissolve the [[SovRoms]] in 1954,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.208</ref> followed by the closing of Romanian-Soviet cultural ventures such as [[Editura Cartea Rusă]] at the end of the decade.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.218-219, 220; Deletant & Ionescu, p.19; Frunză, p.456-457</ref> [[Industrialization]] along the PMR's own directives highlighted Romanian independence&mdash;one of its consequences was the massive [[steel]]-producing industrial complex in [[Galaţi]], which, being dependent on imports of [[iron]] from overseas, was for long a major strain on Romanian economy.<ref>Frunză, p.442</ref> In 1957, Gheorghiu-Dej and [[Emil Bodnăraş]] persuaded the Soviets to withdraw their [[Soviet occupation of Romania|remaining troops]] from Romanian soil.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.345-352; Deletant & Ionescu, p.13-15</ref> As early as 1956, Romania's political apparatus reconciled with [[Josip Broz Tito]], which led to a series of common economic projects (culminating in the [[Đerdap]] venture).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.214; Frunză, p.442, 445, 449-450</ref> An drastic divergence in ideological outlooks manifested itself only after autumn 1961, when the PMR's leadership felt threatened by the Soviet Union's will to impose the condemnation of Stalinism as the standard in communist states.<ref>Tismăneanu, p.37-38, 47-48</ref> Following the [[Sino-Soviet split]] of the late 1950s and the [[Soviet-Albanian Relations|Soviet-Albanian split]] in 1961, Romania initially gave full support to the Khrushchev's stance,<ref>Tismăneanu, p.34-36</ref> but maintained exceptionally good relations with both the [[People's Republic of China]]<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.215, 218; Frunză, p.437, 449, 452-453; Tismăneanu, p.14-15, 43-44, 50</ref> and [[History of Communist Albania|Communist Albania]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.215; Frunză, p.437, 449; Tismăneanu, p.14-15, 50</ref> Romanian media was alone among Warsaw Pact countries to report Chinese criticism of the Soviet leadership from its source;<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.215; Frunză, p.438</ref> in return, [[Maoism|Maoist]] officials complimented Romanian nationalism by supporting the view that [[Bessarabia]] had been a traditional victim of Russian [[imperialism]].<ref>Frunză, p.452-453</ref> The change in policies was to become obvious in 1964, when the Communist regime offered a stiff response to the ''[[Valev Plan]]'', a Soviet project of creating trans-national economic units and of assigning Romanian areas the task of supplying agricultural products.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.216; Frunză, p.440-441, 454-457; Deletant & Ionescu, p.17; Iordachi I.2, II.1; Tismăneanu, p.45-46</ref> Several other measures of that year also presented themselves as radical changes in tone: after Gheorghiu-Dej endorsed [[Andrei Oţetea]]'s publishing of [[Karl Marx]]'s [[Russophobia|Russophobic]] texts (uncovered by the [[People's Republic of Poland|Polish]] historian [[Stanisław Schwann]]),<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.220; Deletant & Ionescu, p.18; Frunză, p.453</ref> the PMR itself took a stand against Khrushchevite principles by issuing, in late April, a declaration published in ''[[Scînteia]]'', through which it stressed its commitment to a "national path" towards Communism<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.220, 321-325; Deletant & Ionescu, p.18; Iordachi I.2, II.1; Tismăneanu, p.34, 48-49</ref> (it read: "There does not and cannot exist a «parent» party and a «son» party or «superior» party and «subordinate» parties").<ref>''[[Scînteia]]'', 1964, in Iordachi I.2; in Tismăneanu, p.49</ref> During late 1948, the PMR's leadership clashed with new Soviet leader [[Leonid Brezhnev]] over the issue of [[KGB]] advisers still present in the [[Securitate]], and eventually managed to have them recalled, making Romania the [[Eastern Bloc]]'s first country to have accomplished this.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.18-19</ref> These actions gave Romania greater freedom in pursuing the program which Gheorghiu-Dej had been committed to since 1954, one allowing Romania to defy reforms in the Eastern Bloc and to maintain a largely Stalinist course.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.216-217, 220-221; Deletant & Ionescu, p.15-19; Frunză, p.445-449, 458-461; Tismăneanu, p.32-34</ref> It has also been argued that Romania's emancipation was, in effect, limited to economic relations and military cooperation, being as such dependent on a relatively tolerant mood inside the Soviet Union.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.320-325</ref> Nevertheless, the PMR's nationalism made it increasingly popular with Romanian [[intellectual]]s, and the last stage of the Gheorghiu-Dej regime was popularly identified with [[liberalization]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.221-223, 275-276; Frunză, p.458</ref> ===PCR: Ceauşescu's rise=== Gheorghiu-Dej died in March 1965 and was succeeded by a collective leadership made up of [[Nicolae Ceauşescu]] as general secretary, [[Chivu Stoica]] as President and [[Ion Gheorghe Maurer]] as Premier.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.392-394</ref> Ceauşescu removed rivals such as Stoica, [[Alexandru Drăghici]], and [[Gheorghe Apostol]] from the government, and ultimately from the party leadership, and began accumulating posts for himself. By 1969, he was in complete control of the [[Central Committee]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.393-397; Deletant & Ionescu, p.29-30; Frunză, p.472</ref> The circumstances surrounding this process are still disputed, but theories evidence that the support given to him by [[Ion Gheorghe Maurer]] and [[Emil Bodnăraş]], as well as the ascendancy of [[Ilie Verdeţ]], [[Virgil Trofin]], and [[Paul Niculescu-Mizil]], were instrumental in ensuring legitimacy.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.393-397; Deletant & Ionescu, p.29-30; Tismăneanu, p.51-53</ref> Soon after 1965, Ceauşescu used his prerogatives to convoke a Party Commission headed by [[Ion Popescu-Puţuri]], charged with investigating both Stalinist legacy and Gheorghiu-Dej's purges: resulting in the [[Rehabilitation (Soviet)|rehabilitation]] of a large number of Communist officials (including, among others, [[Ştefan Foriş]], [[Lucreţiu Pătrăşcanu]], [[Miron Constantinescu]], [[Vasile Luca]], and Romanian victims of the Soviet [[Great Purge]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.398-399; "Comunismul şi cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.25; Frunză, p.472-474</ref> This measure was instrumental in consolidating the new leadership while further increasing its distance from Gheorghiu-Dej's political legacy.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.397-400; Frunză, p.473-474</ref> In 1965, Ceauşescu declared that Romania was no longer a People's Democracy but a [[Socialist state|Socialist Republic]] and changed the name of the party back to the '''Romanian Communist Party''' - steps which were meant to indicate that Romania was following strict Marxist policies while remaining independent. He continued Romanianization and de-Sovietization efforts by stressing notions such as [[sovereignty]] and [[self-determination]].<ref>Frunză, p.474, 504-509, 513-518</ref> At the time, Ceauşescu made references to Gheorghiu-Dej's own [[personality cult]], while implying that his was to be a new style of leadership.<ref>Frunză, p.474</ref> In its official discourse, the PCR introduced the dogmas of "socialist democracy" and direct communication with the masses.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> From ca. 1965 to 1975, there was a noted rise in the [[standard of living]] for the Romanian population as a whole, which was similar to developments in most other Eastern bloc countries.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.25-26</ref> Political scientist [[Daniel Barbu]], who noted that this social improvement trend began ca. 1950 and benefited 45% of the population, concluded that one of its main effects was to increase the citizens' dependency on the state.<ref>Barbu, p.193-195</ref> A seminal event occurred in August 1968, when Ceauşescu highlighted his anti-Soviet discourse by vocally opposing the [[Prague Spring|Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia]]; a highly popular measure with the Romanian public, it lead to sizable enrollments in the PCR and the newly-created [[paramilitary]] [[Patriotic Guards (Romania)|Patriotic Guards]] (created with the goal of meeting a possible Soviet intervention in Romania).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.403-412, 414; Deletant & Ionescu, p.27; Frunză, p.475; Negrici, p.221</ref> From 1965 to 1976, the PCR rose from approximately 1.4 million members to 2.6 million.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.414</ref> In the contingency of an anti-Soviet war, the PCR even sought an alliance with the maverick [[Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia|Yugoslav]] leader [[Josip Broz Tito]]&mdash;negotiations did not yield a clear result.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.409</ref> Although military intervention in Romania was reportedly taken into consideration by the Soviets,<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.27</ref> there is indication that [[Leonid Brezhnev]] had himself ruled out Romanian participation in Warsaw Pact maneuvers,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.409</ref> and that he continued to rely on Ceauşescu's support for other common goals.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.409; Frunză, p.516-518</ref> While it appears that Romanian leaders genuinely approved of reforms undertaken by [[Alexander Dubček]],<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.405-406</ref> Ceauşescu's gesture also served to consolidate his image as a national and independent communist leader.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.404, 412-415; Deletant & Ionescu, p.22; Frunză, p.513-514; Iordachi, II.1</ref> One year before the invasion of Czechoslovakia, Ceauşescu opened up diplomatic ties with [[West Germany]], and refused to break links with [[Israel]] following the [[Six-Day War]].<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.22</ref> Starting with the much-publicized visit by [[France]]'s [[Charles de Gaulle]] (May 1968),<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.404-405; "Comunismul şi cel care a trăit Iluzia"</ref> Romania was the recipient of [[Western world]] support going well into the 1970s (significant visits were paid by [[United States]] [[President of the United States|Presidents]] [[Richard Nixon]] and [[Gerald Ford]], in 1969 and 1975 respectively, while Ceauşescu was frequently received in Western capitals).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.412-414; "Comunismul şi cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.29, 46; Iordachi, II.1</ref> ===PCR: Ceauşescu's supremacy=== [[Image:Propaganda poster Ceausescu.jpg|thumb|A 1986 propaganda poster in Bucharest, illustrating Ceauşescu's personality cult]] Ceauşescu developed a [[cult of personality]] around himself and his wife [[Elena Ceauşescu|Elena]] (herself promoted to high offices)<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.79-80, 429, 431, 489-490; Deletant & Ionescu, p.28-29</ref> after visiting [[North Korea]] and noting the parallel developed by [[Kim Il-sung]], while incorporating in it several aspects of past [[Authoritarianism|authoritarian]] regimes in Romania (''see [[Conducător]]'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.416, 424, 434-442, 488-492; "Comunismul şi cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Negrici, p.221-226</ref> During the early 1970s, while curbing [[liberalization]], he launched his own version of [[People's Republic of China|China]]'s [[Cultural Revolution]], announced by the ''[[July Theses]]''.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.489; Deletant & Ionescu, p.30-31; Negrici, p.221</ref> In effect, measures to concentrate power in Ceauşescu's hands were taken as early as 1967, when the general secretary became the ultimate authority on foreign policy.<ref>Frunză, p.476</ref> At the time, a new political body was instituted under the name of ''Front of Socialist Unity'' (eventually renamed ''Front of Socialist Unity and Democracy''); tightly controlled by party activists, it was meant to affiliate virtually all non-party members, and thus consolidate the impression that the entire population was backing Ceauşescu's policies.<ref>Frunză, p.482-483</ref> As a result of these new policies, the [[Central Committee]], which acted as the main PCR body between Congresses, had increased to 265 full members and 181 candidate members (supposed to meet at least four times a year).<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> By then, the general secretary also called for women to be enrolled in greater numbers in all party structures.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> In parallel, the [[party line]] in respect to [[Minorities of Romania|minorities]] claimed interest in obtaining allegiance from both [[Hungarian minority in Romania|Hungarians]] and [[Germans of Romania|Germans]], and set up separate wokers' councils for both communities.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.23-24; Iordachi, I.3</ref> Members of the upper echelons of the party who objected to Ceauşescu's stance were accused of supporting Soviet policies; they included [[Alexandru Bârlădeanu]], who criticized the heavy loans contracted in support of [[industrialization]] policies.<ref>Frunză, p.476, 510-511</ref> In time, the new leader distanced himself from Maurer and [[Corneliu Mănescu]], while his career profited from the deaths of Stoica (who committed suicide) and Sălăjan (who died while undergoing surgery).<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.31; Frunză, p.472, 475, 476-478, 479-480, 483, 511</ref> Instead, he came to rely on a new grouping of activists, one which included [[Manea Mănescu]].<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.30; Frunză, p.483</ref> At the XIth Party Congress in 1974, [[Gheorghe Cioară]], the [[List of mayors of Bucharest|Mayor of Bucharest]], proposed to extend Ceauşescu's office as General Secretary [[Term limit|for life]], but was turned down by the latter.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.491; Frunză, p.480</ref> Shortly before that moment, the collective leadership of the Presidium was replaced with a Political Executive Committee, which, in practice, elected itself; together with the Secretariat, it was controlled by Ceauşescu himself, who was president of both bodies.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> During the same year, the general secretary inaugurated the office of [[President of Romania|President of the Socialist Republic]], following a ceremonial during which he was handed a [[sceptre]];<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.489; Deletant & Ionescu, p.31; Frunză, p.483-484</ref> this was the first in a succession of titles (they also included "supreme commander of the [[Romanian Army]]", "honorary president of the [[Romanian Academy]]", and "first among the country's miners").<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.489-490</ref> Progressively after 1967, the large bureaucratic structure of the PCR again replicated and interfered with state administration and economic policies.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.26</ref> The President himself became noted for frequent visits on location at various enterprises, where he would dispense directives, for which the termed ''indicaţii preţioase'' ("valuable advice") was coined by official propaganda.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.32</ref> ===PCR: Late 1970s crisis=== The renewed industrialization, which based itself on both a dogmatic understanding of [[Marxian economics]] and a series of [[Autarky|autarkic]] goals,<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.26, 32; Frunză, p.510-512</ref> brought major economic problems to Romania, beginning with the effects of the [[1973 oil crisis]], and worsened by the [[1979 energy crisis]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.467; Deletant & Ionescu, p.32-33</ref> The profound neglect of [[Service (economics)|service]]s and decline in [[quality of life]], first manifested when much of the budget was diverted to support an over-sized industry,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.467-468; Deletant & Ionescu, p.33-34; Frunză, p.512</ref> was made more drastic by the political decision to pay in full the country's [[external debt]]<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.468-469; Frunză, p.512</ref> (in 1983, this was set at 10 billion [[United States dollar]]s, of which 4.5 was accumulated [[interest]]).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.468; Deletant & Ionescu, p.33</ref> By March 1989, the debt had been paid in full.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.471</ref> Two other programs initiated under Ceauşescu had massive consequences on social life. One of them was the plan, announced as early as 1965, to "[[Systematization (Romania)|systemize rural areas]]", which was meant to [[Urbanization|urbanize]] Romania at a fast pace (of over 13,000 [[Communes of Romania|communes]], the country was supposed to be left with 6,000);<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.469; Deletant & Ionescu, p.47-49</ref> it also brought massive changes for the cities&mdash;especially [[Bucharest]], where, following the [[1977 Bucharest Earthquake|1977 Earthquake]] and successive demolitions, new architectural guidelines were imposed (''see [[Ceauşima]]'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.470</ref> By 1966, Romania [[Abortion in Romania|outlawed abortion]], and, progressively after that, measures were endorsed to artificially increase the [[birth rate]]&mdash;including special taxes for childless couples.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.42-44</ref> Another measure, going hand in hand with economic ones, allowed ethnic Germans a chance to leave Romania and settle in [[West Germany]] as ''[[Auslandsdeutsche]]'', in return for payments from the latter country.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.471-474; Deletant & Ionescu, p.24</ref> Overall, around 200,000 Germans left, most of them [[Transylvanian Saxons]] and [[Banat Swabians]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.473; Deletant & Ionescu, p.24</ref> Although Romania adhered to the [[Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe]] (1973) and signed the 1975 [[Helsinki Final Act]], Ceauşescu also intensified political repression in the country (beginning in 1971).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.486; Frunză, p.516, 518</ref> This took a drastic turn in 1977, when, confronted with [[Paul Goma]]'s movement in support for ''[[Charter 77]]'', the regime expelled him and others from the country.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.478; Frunză, p.524</ref> A more serious disobedience occurred in August of the same year, when [[Jiu Valley]] miners went on [[Strike action|strike]], briefly took hold of [[List of Prime Ministers of Romania|Premier]] [[Ilie Verdeţ]], and, despite having reached an agreement with the government, were repressed and some of them expelled (''see [[Jiu Valley miners' strike of 1977]]'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.478-479; Frunză, p.525-526</ref> A newly-created and independent [[trade union]], [[SLOMR]], was crushed and its leaders arrested on various charges in 1979.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.479; Deletant & Ionescu, p.34-35; Frunză, p.526</ref> Progressively during the period, the [[Securitate]] relied on [[involuntary commitment]] to [[psychiatric hospital]]s as a means to punish [[Dissident|dissidence]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.479; Deletant & Ionescu, p.35</ref> ===PCR: 1980s=== [[Image:Unirii Boulevard (1.May 1986).jpg|thumb|280px|Effects of [[Systematization (Romania)|systematization]] in central [[Bucharest]]: the [[Palace of the Parliament|House of the People]] under construction in 1986]] A major act of discontent occurred inside the party during its XIIth Congress in late November 1979, when PCR veteran [[Constantin Pîrvulescu]] spoke out against Ceauşescu's policy of discouraging discussions and relying on obedient [[cadre]]s (he was subsequently heckled, evicted from the Congress hall, and isolated).<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.487-488; Frunză, p.486-489</ref> In 1983, [[Radu Filipescu]], an engineer working in Bucharest, was imprisoned after distributing 20,000 leaflets which called for a popular rally against the regime,<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.38; Frunză, p.525-525</ref> while a protests of miners in [[Maramureş County]] against wage cuts was broken up by Securitate forces; three years layer strike organized by Romanian and Hungarian industrial workers in [[Turda]] and [[Cluj-Napoca]] met with the same result.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.35</ref> Also in 1983, fearing the multiplication of ''[[samizdat]]'' documents, [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Minister of the Interior]] [[George Homoştean]] ordered all citizens to hand down their [[typewriter]]s to the authorities.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.479; Deletant & Ionescu, p.42-43</ref> This coincided with a noted popular rise in support for outspoken dissidents who were kept under house arrest, among whom were [[Doina Cornea]] and [[Mihai Botez]].<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.37-39</ref> By 1983, membership of the PCR had risen to 3.3 million,<ref>Frunză, p.482</ref> and, in 1989, to 3.7-3.8 million<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.414</ref>&mdash;meaning that, in the end, over 20% of Romanian adults were party members,<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> making the PCR the largest communist group of the [[Eastern Bloc]] after the [[Communist Party of the Soviet Union]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.414</ref> 64,200 basic party units, answering to [[Counties of Romania|county]] committees, varying in number and representing various areas of Romanian society, were officially recorded in 1980.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> Statistics also indicated that, during the transition from the 1965 PMR (with 8% of the total population) to the 1988 PCR, the membership of workers had grown from 44 to 55%, while that of peasants had dropped from 34 to 15%.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> In the end, these records contrasted the fact that the PCR had become completely submitted to its leader and no longer had any form of autonomous activity,<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.414; Deletant & Ionescu, p.41-42; Frunză, p.481-483</ref> while membership became a basic requirement in numerous of social contexts, leading to a purely formal allegiances and [[Political machine|political clientelism]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.415, 426-432; Frunză, p.521</ref> At the same time, the ideological viewpoint was changed, with the party no longer seen as the [[Vanguard party|vanguard of the working class]],<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.416</ref> but as the main social factor and the embodiment of the [[national interest]].<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.428; Frunză, p.504-518, 520</ref> In marked contrast with the ''[[Perestroika]]'' and ''[[Glasnost]]'' developed in the Soviet Union by [[Mikhail Gorbachev]], Romania revived [[Stalinism|Stalinist]] policies in both its internal policies and its relation to the outside.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.491-494; Deletant & Ionescu, p.32, 44-46; Frunză, p.520; Iordachi, II.3</ref> As recorded in 1984, 90% of the PCR members were [[Romanians|ethnic Romanian]], with 7% Hungarians (the latter group's membership had dropped by more than 2% since the previous Congress).<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> Formal criticism of the new policies regarding minorities had also been voiced by Hungarian activists, including [[Károly Király]], leader of the PCR in [[Covasna County]].<ref>Frunză, p.523</ref> After 1980, the [[Nationalism|nationalist]] ideology adopted by the PCR progressively targeted the Hungarian community as a whole, based on suspicions of its allegiance to [[Hungary]], whose policies had become diametrically opposed to the methods of Romanian leaders (''see [[Goulash Communism]]'').<ref>Iordachi, I.3, III</ref> Especially during the 1980s, clientelism was further enhanced by a new policy, ''rotaţia cadrelor'' ("cadre rotation" or "reshuffling"), placing strain on low-level officials to seek the protection of higher placed ones as a means to preserve their position or to promote.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.426-431; Deletant & Ionescu, p.30; Frunză, p.485-486</ref> This effectively prompted activists who did not approve of the change in tone to retire, while others&mdash;[[Virgil Trofin]], [[Ion Iliescu]] and [[Paul Niculescu-Mizil]] among them&mdash;were officially dispatched to low-ranking positions or otherwise marginalized.<ref>Frunză, p.485-486</ref> In June 1988, the leadership of the Political Executive Committee was reduced from 15 to 7 members, including Nicolae Ceauşescu and his wife.<ref>US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"</ref> ===PCR: Downfall=== :''Main article: [[Romanian Revolution of 1989]]'' [[Image:Empty Romanian Flags.jpg|thumb|250px|Variants of the [[Flag of Romania|Romanian flag]] with the communist symbols cut out, as used by [[Romanian Revolution of 1989|1989 revolutionaries]]]] Announced by a February 1987 protest of workers and students in [[Iaşi]],<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.35-36</ref> the final crisis of the PCR and its regime began in the autumn, when industrial employees in [[Braşov]] called a strike that immediately drew echoes with the city's population (''see [[Braşov Rebellion]]'').<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.486-487; Deletant & Ionescu, p.36</ref> In December, authorities convened a public [[Kangaroo court|kangaroo trial]] of the movement's leaders, and handed out sentences of imprisonment and internal exile.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.486-487; Deletant & Ionescu, p.36</ref> Inaugurated by [[Silviu Brucan]]'s public criticism of the Braşov repression, and inspired by the impact of changes in other Eastern Bloc countries, protests of marginalized PCR activists became notorious after March 1989, when Brucan and Pîrvulescu, together with [[Gheorghe Apostol]], [[Alexandru Bârlădeanu]], [[Grigore Răceanu]] and [[Corneliu Mănescu]], sent Ceauşescu their so-called ''Letter of the Six'', publicized over [[Radio Free Europe]].<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.487-488; Deletant & Ionescu, p.37, 40-41</ref> At around the same time, [[Systematization (Romania)|systematization]] provoked an international response, as Romania was subjected to a resolution of the [[United Nations Commission on Human Rights]], which called for an inquiry into the state of ethnic minorities and the rural population; the political isolation experienced by Communist Romania was highlighted by the fact that Hungary endorsed the report,<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.39-40; Iordachi, III.4</ref> while all other Eastern bloc countries abstained.<ref>Deletant & Ionescu, p.39-40</ref> This followed more than a decade of deteriorating relations between the PCR and the [[Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party]].<ref>Iordachi, III</ref> Eventually, both Ceauşescu and the party were overthrown in the [[Romanian Revolution of 1989|Romanian Revolution of December 1989]], begun as a popular rebellion in [[Timişoara]] and eventually bringing to power the [[National Salvation Front]], comprising an important number of former PCR members who supported Gorbachev's vision.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.488, 493-494</ref> The general secretary was executed together with Elena Ceauşescu, and the PCR disbanded. The spontaneity of the latter move and the rapid pace at which the PCR, one of the largest political parties of its kind, dissolved itself were held by commentators as additional proof that membership provided a highly inaccurate image in respect to actual convictions.<ref>Cioroianu, ''Pe umerii...'', p.414</ref> ==Party Congresses== {| class=wikitable |''Name. Period'' || ''Location'' |- |Ist (May 1921) || [[Bucharest]] |- |IInd (October 1922) || [[Ploieşti]] |- |IIIrd (August 1924) || [[Vienna]] |- |IVth (July 1928) || [[Kharkiv]] |- |Vth (December 1931) || [[Gorikovo]] |- |VIth (February 1948) || [[Bucharest]] |- |VIIth (December 1955) || [[Bucharest]] |- |VIIIth (June 1960) || [[Bucharest]] |- |IXth (July 1965) || [[Bucharest]] |- |Xth (August 1969)|| [[Bucharest]] |- |XIth (November 1974)|| [[Bucharest]] |- |XIIth (November 1979)|| [[Bucharest]] |- |XIIIth (November 1984)|| [[Bucharest]] |- |XIVth (November 1989) || [[Bucharest]] |} ==General Secretaries== {| class=wikitable |- | [[Gheorghe Cristescu]] || 1921&ndash;1924 |- | [[Elek Köblös]] || 1924&ndash;1927 |- | [[Vitali Holostenco]] || 1927&ndash;1931 |- | [[Alexander Stefanski]] || 1931&ndash;1936 |- | [[Boris Stefanov]] || 1936&ndash;1940 |- | [[Ştefan Foriş]] || 1940&ndash;1944 |- | [[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]] || October 1945&ndash;[[April 20]], [[1954]] |- | [[Gheorghe Apostol]] || [[April 20]], [[1954]]&ndash;[[September 30]], [[1955]] |- | [[Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej]] || [[September 30]], [[1955]]&ndash;[[March 19]], [[1965]] |- | [[Nicolae Ceauşescu]] || [[March 22]],[[1965]]&ndash;[[December 22]], [[1989]] |} ==See also== *[[List of Romanian communists]] *[[Proclamation of Timişoara]] ==Notes== {{reflist|3}} ==References== *[http://countrystudies.us/romania/70.htm "The Communist Party"] from the [[US Library of Congress]]' ''Country Study of Romania'', 1990; retrieved [[July 5]], [[2007]] *[[Lucian Boia]], ed., ''{{lang|ro|Miturile comunismului românesc}}'' ("The Myths of Romanian Communism"), [[Editura Nemira]], Bucharest, 1997-1998. ISBN 9735692090. See: **[[Daniel Barbu]], "{{lang|ro|Destinul colectiv, servitutea involuntară, nefericirea totalitară: trei mituri ale comunismului românesc}}" ("Collective Destiny, Involuntary Servitude, Totalitarian Misery: Three Myths of Romanian Communism"), p. 175-197 **Eugen Negrici, "Mitul patriei primejduite" ("The Myth of the Fatherland in Peril"), p.220-226 *[[Adrian Cioroianu]], **{{ro icon}} [http://www.revista22.ro/html/index.php?nr=2002-06-24&art=122 "{{lang|ro|Comunismul şi cel care a trăit Iluzia}}" ("Communism and the Man Who Lived the Illusion")], in ''[[22 (magazine)|Revista 22]]'', Nr.25 (641), June 2002; retrieved [[July 5]], [[2007]] **''{{lang|ro|Pe umerii lui Marx. O introducere în istoria comunismului românesc}}'' ("On the Shoulders of Marx. An Incursion into the History of Romanian Communism"), [[Editura Curtea Veche]], Bucharest, 2005. ISBN 9736691756 *{{ro icon}} Radu Colt, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi1999/current6/mi18.htm "80 în Bucureşti şi mai puţin de 1000 în toată ţara" ("80 in Bucharest and Less throughout the Country")], in ''[[Magazin Istoric]]'', June 1999; retrieved [[July 5]], [[2007]] *[[Dennis Deletant]], Mihail Ionescu, [http://wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/ACF368.pdf "Romania and the Warsaw Pact: 1955-1989"], in ''Cold War International History Project'', Working Paper #43, [[Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars]], [[Washington, D.C.]], April 2004; retrieved [[July 5]], [[2007]] *Victor Frunză, ''Istoria stalinismului în România'' ("The History of Stalinism in Romania"), [[Humanitas publishing house|Humanitas]], Bucharest, 1990 *[[Constantin Iordachi]], [http://www.cimec.ro/Istorie/CRISTI/cuprins.htm ''The Anatomy of a Historical Conflict: Romanian-Hungarian Diplomatic Conflict in the 1980s''], [[Central European University]], at the [http://www.cimec.ro/ Romanian Institute for Cultural Memory]; retrieved [[July 5]], [[2007]] *{{lang|ro|T. A. Pokivailova, "1939-1940. Cominternul şi Partidul Comunist din România}}" (1939-1940. The Comintern and the Communist Party of Romania"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', March 1997 *[[Vladimir Tismăneanu]], [http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/ACFAF5.pdf ''Gheorghiu-Dej and the Romanian Workers' Party: From De-Sovietization to the Emergence of National Communism''], in ''Cold War International History Project'', Working Paper #37, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 2002; retrieved [[July 5]], [[2007]] *{{lang|ro|Cristian Troncotă, "Siguranţa şi spectrul revoluţiei comuniste}}" ("Siguranţa and the Spectre of Communist Revolution"), in ''Dosarele Istoriei'', 4(44)/2000 *{{lang|ro|Francisco Veiga, ''Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultranaţionalismului}}'' ("The History of the Iron Guard, 1919-1941: The Mystique of Ultra-Nationalism"), Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993 {{Historical Romanian political parties}} [[Category:Political parties established in 1921]] [[Category:1989 disestablishments]] [[Category:Comintern sections]] [[Category:Communist parties in Europe|Romania, Romanian Communist Party]] [[Category:Communist Romania|Communist Party]] [[Category:Defunct political parties in Romania|Communist]] [[Category:Romanian Communist Party| ]] [[Category:Ruling Communist parties]] [[ca:Partit Comunista Romanès]] [[el:Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα Ρουμανίας]] [[es:Partido Comunista Rumano]] [[fr:Parti communiste roumain]] [[ko:루마니아 공산당]] [[it:Partito comunista rumeno]] [[he:המפלגה הקומוניסטית הרומנית]] [[nl:Roemeense Communistische Partij]] [[ja:ルーマニア共産党]] [[pl:Rumuńska Partia Komunistyczna]] [[ro:Partidul Comunist Român]] [[zh:罗马尼亚共产党]]