Scientific racism 487090 225410091 2008-07-13T15:12:56Z Kisholi 541091 typo '''Scientific racism''' is a term which describes the use of ostensibly scientific methods to support or validate [[Racism|racist]] attitudes and worldviews. It encompasses both [[obsolete scientific theories|obsolete]] and contemporary scientific theories, usually made from a [[racialist]] belief in the existence and significance of racial categories, but extending this into a hierarchy between the races to support political or ideological positions of [[racial supremacy]]. Scientific racism includes the use of [[anthropology]] (notably [[physical anthropology]]), [[anthropometry]], [[craniometry]], [[phrenology]], [[physiognomy]] and other disciplines in the construction of [[typology (anthropology)|typologies]] and the classification of humans into distinct biological races. Critics argue that such theories are simply propaganda; false [[ideology|ideological]] justifications for [[racism]], [[the Holocaust]], [[slavery]], [[apartheid]], and [[colonialism]]. Scientific racialism was most wide-spread during the [[New Imperialism]] period in the second half of the 19th century. These theories often worked in conjunction with [[racism]], for example in the case of "[[human zoo]]s", in which human beings of various races were presented in cages during [[colonial exhibition]]s. Such theories, and associated actions, have been strongly denounced since [[World War II]] and the [[Holocaust]], in particular by a 1950 [[UNESCO]] statement, signed by an international group of scholars, known as ''[[The Race Question]]''. Today, the phrase is used either as an [[accusation]], or to describe what critics consider to be historical racist propaganda alleging the existence of different races. These critics point to ''The Race Question'', which advocates the use of the more precise term "[[ethnic group]]". The phrase "scientific racism" has been applied retroactively to publications on race as far back as the 18th century. == Overview == Along with [[eugenics]], pioneered by [[Sir Francis Galton]] (among others) and popularized at the turn of the 20th century, such theories, which often postulated a "[[master race]]", usually "[[Nordic race|Nordic]]" and "[[Aryan]]", were a [[Nazism and race|main influence]] of the [[Nazi racial policies]] and their [[Nazi eugenics|program of eugenics]]. He developed the [[science]] of [[Eugenics]] whose primary concept was "control" and promotion of quantification and analytical measurements of "desirable traits" so as to set a guide on how to obtain the "truly proper breeding"(Higgins, 1994). However, this was not necessarily a continuous relationship, as several influential authors of [[Nazism]] were not [[anti-semitic]]. Quite to the contrary, [[Arthur de Gobineau]] (1816-82), for example, was a [[philo-semitism|philo-semite]] who placed the "[[Jew]]ish race" above all. Thus, although his racial theories largely influenced Nazi ideologies, they had to adapt him to suit their mindset. Apart from Gobineau's 1853 ''[[The Inequality of Human Races]]'',<ref>*Tucker, William. 2002. ''The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund''. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press; *[[Leon Poliakov|Poliakov, Leon]]. 1974. ''Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalist Ideas in Europe''. New York, NY: Basic Books;* Biddiss, Michael D. 1970. ''Father of Racist Ideology: The Social and Political Thought of Count Gobineau''. New York: Weybright and Talley</ref> other scientific racist works that largely influenced Nazism were [[Francis Galton]]’s 1870 ''Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Consequences'',<ref>(Tucker 1994)</ref> [[Madison Grant]]’s 1916/1924 ''[[The Passing of the Great Race]]''<ref>*Tucker 1994; *Mintz, Frank P. 1985. ''The Liberty Lobby and the American Right: Race, Conspiracy, and Culture.'' Westport, CT: Greenwood.)</ref> and [[Lothrop T. Stoddard]]’s 1920 ''[[The Rising Tide of Color Against White World Supremacy]]''<ref>*Kühl, Stefan. 1994. ''The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism''. New York, NY: Oxford University Press;* Tucker 1994)</ref> Beside this first acception of the term, scientific racism is a pejorative label sometimes given to modern theories or arguments that allege that [[scientific evidence]] shows significant [[evolution]]ary differences between races or [[ethnic groups]]. In this sense, the term is used to criticize modern studies of [[human genetics]] or studies claiming to show a link between [[race and intelligence]], as well as hierarchically classifying races, hence asserting the superiority or inferiority of specific ones. Critics of such studies assert that both "race" and "intelligence" are [[fuzzy concept]]s. ==Earliest examples of scientific racism== {{Primarysources|section|date=October 2007}} {{Mergeto|Racism|date=October 2007}} {{Seealso|Race (historical definitions)}} According to Benjamin Isaac's ''The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity'' (Princeton University Press, 2006), roots of scientific racism may be found in Greco-Roman Antiquity. Other authors (such as the French author Raphaël Lagier, ''Les races humaines selon Kant'' - Human Races According to Kant, 2004<ref> Raphaël Lagier, ''Les races humaines selon Kant'', [[PUF]], 2004. ISBN 9782130546573 {{fr icon}}</ref>), however, reject this claim, highlighting the very different scientific frame created in the 19th century with the birth of modern [[biology]], making any interpretation of continuity between Ancient racist theories with modern scientific racism hazardous at best. B. Isaac discussed in his book the alleged role of Hippocrates, Plato, Aristotle, [[Galen]] and many other notable figures in the gradual formation of the modern scientific racist worldview. He presents for instance the 5th-century BC treatise ''Airs, Waters, Places'' by [[Hippocrates]] as a prime instance of early (proto)scientific racism, and links [[Pseudo-Aristotle]]'s suggestions to Hippocrates: "The idea that dark people are cowards and light people courageous fighters is found already in ''Airs, Waters, Places''..."<ref> Benjamin Isaac, ''The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity'', p. 356 </ref> He also quotes [[Vitruvius]] (70-25 B.C.) who, relying on the racial theories of [[Posidonius]], wrote "those races nearest to the southern half of the axis are of lower stature, with swarthy complexions, curly hair, black eyes and little blood on account of the sun. This poverty of blood makes them over-timid to stand up against the sword...On the other hand, men born in cold countries are indeed ready to meet the shock of arms with great courage and without timidity."<ref> Benjamin Isaac, ''The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity'', p. 83 </ref> Regular publications on race and other claimed differences between people of different geographical locations began at least as early as the eighteenth century. The 17th and 18th century were marked by [[natural history]], in which the [[theory of evolution|concept of evolution]] had no sense. Early attempts at distinguishing various races had been made by [[Henri de Boulainvilliers]] (1658-1722), who divided the [[nation]] of France between two races, the [[aristocracy|aristocratic]], "French" race, descendants of the Germanic [[Franks]], and the [[Gallo-Roman]], indigenous race, which comprised the population of the [[Third Estate]]. According to Boulainvilliers, the descendants of the Franks dominated the Third Estate by a [[right of conquest]]. In the exact opposite of modern [[nationalism]], the foreigners had a legitimate right of domination on indigenous peoples. But contrary to later, scientifically-justified theories of race, Boulainvilliers did not understand the concept of race as designing an eternal and immutable essence. His account was not, however, only a mythical tale: contrary to [[hagiography|hagiographies]] and [[Epic poetry|epic]]s such as ''[[The Song of Roland]]'', Boulainvilliers sought some kind of scientific legitimacy by basing his distinction between a Germanic race and a Latin race on historical events. But his theory of races was completely distinct from the biological concept of race later used by nineteenth century's theories of scientific racism. [[Carolus Linnaeus]] (1707-78), a Swedish botanist, physician and zoologist, who laid the bases of [[binomial nomenclature]] (the method of naming species) and is known as the "father of modern [[taxonomy]]" (the science of describing, categorizing and naming organisms) was also a pioneer in defining the concept of "race" as applied to humans. Within ''Homo sapiens'' he proposed four taxa of a lower (unnamed) rank. These categories are, ''Americanus'', ''Asiaticus'', ''Africanus'', and ''Europeanus''. They were based on place of origin at first, and later skin color. Each race had certain characteristics that were endemic to individuals belonging to it. Native Americans were reddish, stubborn, and angered easily. Africans were black, relaxed and negligent. Asians were yellow, avaricious, and easily distracted. Europeans were white, gentle, and inventive.<ref>Linnaeus, Carl. ''Systema Naturae'' (1767), p. 29</ref> In addition, in ''Amoenitates academicae'' (1763), Carolus Linnaeus defined ''Homo anthropomorpha'' as a catch-all race for a variety of human-like mythological creatures, including the [[troglodyte]], [[satyr]], [[Lernaean Hydra|hydra]], and [[phoenix (mythology)|phoenix]]. He claimed that these creatures actually existed, but were in reality inaccurate descriptions of real-world ape-like creatures. He also defined in ''Systema Naturæ'' ''Homo ferus'' as "four-footed, mute, hairy." It included the subraces ''Juvenis lupinus hessensis'' ([[wolf child|wolf boy]]s), who he thought were raised by animals, and ''Juvenis hannoveranus'' ([[Peter of Hanover]]) and ''Puella campanica'' ([[Wild-girl of Champagne]]). He likewise defined ''Homo monstrosous'' as agile and fainthearted, and included in this race the [[Patagon|Patagonian giant]], the [[dwarf of the Alps]], and the [[monorchid]] [[Hottentot]]. [[Edward Long]], a [[The First European colonization wave (15th century - 19th century)|British colonial administrator]], created a more simple classification of race in ''History of Jamaica'' (1774). The next year, [[Johann Blumenbach]] published his thesis, ''On the Natural Varieties of Mankind'', one of the foundational work of scientific racism. Blumenbach, however, supported [[monogenism]], according to which all mankind had a common origin, against [[Samuel Thomas von Sömmering|Samuel von Sömmering]] and [[Christoph Meiners]], who supported [[polygenism]], the view that separate races originated independently. == 19th century theories of race == {{see|Historical definitions of race}} [[Image:Races and skulls.png|200px|right|thumb|Before Darwin had published his theory of evolution, [[Josiah Clark Nott|Nott's]] and [[George Robins Gliddon|Gliddon's]] ''Indigenous races of the earth'' (1857) used misleading imagery to suggest that "Negroes" had been created to rank between "Greeks" and [[chimpanzee]]s.<ref name=drace/>]] The [[scientific classification]] proposed by Linnaeus was a prerequisite of any attempts at scientifically classifying humanity according to various races. [[Unilinealism]] depicting a progression from primitive human societies to industrialized civilization became popular amongst philosophers including [[Friedrich Hegel]], [[Immanuel Kant]] and [[Auguste Comte]], and fitted well with the Christian belief of a divine Creation following which all of humanity descended from the same Adam and Eve. However, the Bible also sanctions slavery, and from the 1820s to the 1850s it was cited in the [[Southern States]] of the [[United States of America]] to support the idea that negroes had been created unequal, suited to slavery, by writers such as the Rev. [[Richard Furman]], [[Joseph Smith Jr.]] and [[Thomas R. Cobb]].<ref name=drace/> [[Arthur Gobineau]]'s ''[[An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races]]'' (1853-1855) proposed that there were three races, and that race mixing led to the collapse of civilization. [[polygenism|Polygenist]] theory alleged that there were different origins of mankind, thus making it possible to conceive of different, biological, human races, or to classify other humans as akin to animals without rights. [[Charles Darwin]]'s 1859 ''[[On the Origin of Species]]'' was very influential, although it made no mention of humanity and when he published his views in his ''[[The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex|The Descent of Man]]'' of 1871 he was emphatic that there were no clear distinctive characteristics to categorise races as separate species, and that all shared very similar physical and mental characteristics indicating common ancestry.<ref>"It may be doubted whether any character can be named which is distinctive of a race and is constant... they graduate into each other, and.. it is hardly possible to discover clear distinctive characters between them... As it is improbable that the numerous and unimportant points of resemblance between the several races of man in bodily structure and mental faculties (I do not here refer to similar customs) should all have been independently acquired, they must have been inherited from progenitors who had these same characters.", [[Charles Darwin]], [http://darwin-online.org.uk/content/frameset?itemID=F937.1&viewtype=text&pageseq=238 ''The Descent of Man'' p225 onwards],</ref><ref name=drace>{{cite web |url=http://www.rationalrevolution.net/articles/darwin_nazism.htm |title=The Mis-portrayal of Darwin as a Racist |accessdate=2008-01-06 |last=Price |first=R.G. |coauthors= |date=June 24, 2006 |work= |publisher=rationalrevolution.net}}</ref> In making his case for the reality of one human species, Darwin contrasted "civilized races of man" with "the savage races", like almost everyone else at that time (except [[Alfred Russel Wallace]]) making no clear distinction between biological races and cultural races. He also noted the likelihood of "savage races" being wiped out at that time of colonial expansion. However, though Darwin was no racist and throughout his life strongly opposed slavery,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.talkorigins.org/faqs/quotes/mine/part4.html#DarwinRaceQuotes |title=Quote Mine Project: Assorted Quotes |accessdate=2007-12-29 |author= |date= |publisher=Talk Origins |pages= |quote=}}</ref> the term "[[Social Darwinism]]" was applied in the 1940s to denote various ideologies including pre-Darwinian racist ideas combined with concepts loosely based on [[evolution]] by [[natural selection]]. Scientific racist theories became associated with the expression "[[survival of the fittest]]" coined by [[Herbert Spencer]] in 1864.<ref name=drace/> Ancient ideas of improving human races were developed with ideas take from [[Francis Galton]]'s concept of voluntary "[[eugenics]]" into popular campaigning for coercive government programmes. Scientific racism theories, influenced by other [[discourse]]s and events, became extremely popular towards the end of the 19th century. [[Phrenology]], which attempted to describe traits of character by outward appearance, including by the shape of skulls, measured via [[craniometry]], and of skeletons, was put to use in racist ends. Thus, skulls and skeletons of Black people and other indigenous people were displayed between apes and white men. Thus, [[Ota Benga]], a [[Pygmies|Pygmy]], was displayed as the "Missing Link" in 1906 in the [[Bronx Zoo]] in New York, alongside apes and other animals. Some of the most influential theories included [[Vacher de Lapouge]] (1854-1936)'s "anthroposociology" and [[Johann Gottfried Herder|Herder]] (1744-1803), who applied "race" to [[nationalist]] theory to develop the first conception of [[ethnic nationalism]]. To the contrary, [[Ernest Renan]] famously argued in 1882 against Herder for a conception of nation based on the "will to live together," which was not founded on any ethnic or racial prerequisite. Scientific racist discourse posited the historical existence of "national races" such as German and French, branching from basal races supposed to have existed for millennia, such as the "[[Aryan]] race", and believed political boundaries should mirror these supposed racial ones. === Craniometry and physical anthropology === {{see|Craniometry |physical anthropology}} Dutch scholar [[Pieter Camper]] (1722-89) was one of the first theorists of craniometry, the measure of skulls, which he used to justify racial differences. In 1770, he invented in one of his numerous memoirs the concept of the "facial angle", a measure meant to determine intelligence among various species. According to this technique, a "facial angle" was formed by drawing two lines: one horizontally from the nostril to the ear; and the other perpendicularly from the advancing part of the upper jawbone to the most prominent part of the forehead. Camper claimed that antique statues presented an angle of 90°, Europeans of 80°, Black people of 70° and the orangutan of 58°, thus displaying a hierarchic and racist view of mankind, based on a [[decadence|decadent]] conception of history. These scientific racist researches were continued by [[Étienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire]] (1772-1844) and [[Paul Broca]] (1824-80). [[Samuel George Morton]] (1799-1851), one of the inspirators of [[physical anthropology]], collected hundreds of human skulls from all over the world and started trying to find a way to classify them according to some logical criteria. Influenced by the common racist theories of his time, he claimed that he could judge the intellectual capacity of a race by the [[cranial capacity]] (the measure of the volume of the interior of the skull). A large skull meant a large brain and high intellectual capacity, and a small skull indicated a small brain and decreased intellectual capacity. By studying these skulls he decided at what point [[Caucasian race|Caucasians]] stopped being Caucasians, and at what point [[Negroes]] began. Morton had many skulls from ancient Egypt, and concluded that the [[ancient Egyptians]] were not [[African]], but were [[white]]. His two major monographs were the ''Crania Americana'' (1839), ''An Inquiry into the Distinctive Characteristics of the Aboriginal Race of America'' and ''Crania Aegyptiaca'' (1844). In ''Crania Americana'', he claimed that the mean cranial capacity of the skulls of Whites was 87 in³ (1,425 cm³), while that of Blacks was 78 in³ (1,278 cm³). Based on the measurement of 144 skulls of [[Indigenous peoples of the Americas|Native Americans]], he reported a figure of 82 in³ (1,344 cm³) {{sic}}. [[Image:Ripley map of cephalic index in Europe.png|right|thumb|300px|[[William Z. Ripley]]'s map of the "cephalic index" in Europe, from ''[[The Races of Europe]]'' (1899).]] [[Stephen Jay Gould]] (1941-2002), an American [[paleontologist]], evolutionary biologist and [[historian of science]], studied from a historical perspective these craniometric works in ''[[The Mismeasure of Man]]'' (1981). He alleged that Samuel Morton had fudged data and "overpacked" the skulls with filler in order to justify his racist opinions. In 1873, [[Paul Broca]] (1824-1880), founder of the Anthropological Society of Paris in 1859, found the same pattern described by Samuel Morton's ''Crania Americana'' by weighing brains at [[autopsy]]. Other historical studies alleging a Black-White difference in brain size include Bean (1906), Mall, (1909), Pearl, (1934) and Vint (1934). Some modern research in [[neuroscience and intelligence]], using MRI studies rather than less accurate skull measurements, shows a correlation between brain size and intelligence of 0.4 to 0.5.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Gray |first=Jeremy |authorlink= |coauthors=Paul Thompson |year=2004 |month=June |title=Neurobiology of Intelligence: Science and Ethics |journal=Nature Reviews Neuroscience |volume=5 |issue= |pages=1–13 |pmid=15152197 |url=http://www.loni.ucla.edu/~thompson/IQ/NRN2004_IQ.html |accessdate= |quote= |doi=10.1038/nrn1405 }}</ref> === Monogenism and polygenism === {{see|Monogenism |Polygenism}} Morton's followers, particularly [[Josiah C. Nott]] (1804-1873) and [[George Gliddon]] (1809-57) in their monumental tribute to Morton's work, ''Types of Mankind'' (1854), carried Morton's ideas further and claimed that his findings in fact supported the notion of polygenism, which claims that humanity originates from different lineages and is the ancestor of the [[multiregional hypothesis]]. Morton himself had been reluctant to explicitly espouse polygenism because it was a major challenge to the biblical account of [[creation myth|creation]]. Charles Darwin opposed Nott and Glidon's polygenist &mdash; and [[creationist]]s &mdash; arguments in his 1871 ''[[The Descent of Man]]'', arguing for a monogenism of the species. Darwin conceived the common origin of all humans (aka [[single-origin hypothesis]]) as essential for [[evolutionary theory]]. Furthermore, Josiah Nott was the translator of [[Arthur de Gobineau]]'s ''[[An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races]]'' (1853-55), which is one of the founder of "biological racism", in contrast to [[Boulainvilliers]] (1658-1722)'s theory of races. === Philosophers of the Enlightenment and racial classifications === {{see|Unilineal evolution}} A few years later, [[Immanuel Kant]] (1724-1804), celebrated as the symbol of the [[Age of Enlightenment|Enlightenment]]'s philosophy of progress and [[humanism]], wrote his essay ''On the Different Races of Man'' (1775) in which he attempted a scientific classification of human races. [[Friedrich Hegel]] (1770-1831) would also include a strongly [[unilineal evolution|evolutionist]] account of history in ''[[Lectures on the Philosophy of History]]'', describing the development of the ''Geist'' (Spirit or Reason) in history through a serie of incarnations in specific ''[[Volkgeist]]s'' (Folk Spirit). Hegel's [[philosophy of history]] was explicitly biased in favor of Europe, and, in particular, of the [[Prussia]]n state, conceived as the achievement of history (the "[[End of History]]"). In his chapter on the Geographical Foundings of Universal History, Hegel wrote that "each People represented a particular degree of the development of the Spirit," thus forming a "nation." This notion of ''nation'', however, is not explicitly linked to physical or racial particularities, rather it is concerned and the concrete historical and geographical site where the ''Spirit'' unfold. Influenced, as many others, by [[Montesquieu]]'s theory on the influence of climate on mores and laws, which the latter had developed in ''[[The Spirit of the Laws]]'' (1748), Hegel wrote that: <blockquote>''"It is true that climate has influence in that sense that neither the warm zone nor the cold zone are favourable to the liberty of man and to the apparition of historical peoples.<ref> [[Friedrich Hegel]], ''[[Lectures on the Philosophy of History]]'', 1828-1830, Chapter IV, Natural Conditions - The Geographical Foundings of Universal History; 1, General Definitions; A. Natural Conditioning, §5. </ref>"''(i.e. of peoples that "have" a history, in contrast with "[[savage]]s" that allegedly have no history).</blockquote> Unsurprisingly, Hegel thus favored the ''Geist'' in temperate zones. Hegel finally made an account of "[[universal history]]," which started with the [[Orientalism|Oriental World]], then the [[Classical Antiquity|Greek Antiquity]], then the [[Roman Empire|Roman]] and the [[Christianism|Christian World]], and, ultimately, the Prussian World.<ref>Hegel, ''ibid.'', Chapter V </ref> It is true, however, that Hegel's philosophy, as Kant for that manner, can not be reduced to such evolutionist statements. In the same lessons, Hegel thus write that "America is the country of the future", but that "philosophy does not concerns itself with prophecies", but with history.<ref>Hegel, ''ibid.'', IV, 2, The [[New World]], 4 (1 is the Introduction) "North America and its Destiny," excipit </ref> Nevertheless, as great as Hegel's philosophy may be considered to be, it has provided justifications for Europe's [[imperialism]] until [[World War I]]. In the same way, the works of Montesquieu, one of the early founder of modern [[sociology]], has provided various justifications over the age claiming to scientifically ground "Negroes' inferiority" on claims of the alleged influence of climate. Such racial and evolutionist statements would be echoed by [[Arthur Schopenhauer]] (1788-1860) who attributed civilizational primacy, on naturalistic grounds, to the "white races" who gained their sensitivity and intelligence by refinement in the rigorous North: <blockquote>''"The highest civilization and culture, apart from the ancient [[Hindus]] and [[Egyptians]], are found exclusively among the white races; and even with many dark peoples, the ruling caste or race is fairer in colour than the rest and has, therefore, evidently immigrated, for example, the [[Brahmin]]s, the [[Inca Empire|Incas]], and the rulers of the [[Polynesia|South Sea Islands]]. All this is due to the fact that necessity is the mother of invention because those tribes that emigrated early to the north, and there gradually became white, had to develop all their intellectual powers and invent and perfect all the arts in their struggle with need, want and misery, which in their many forms were brought about by the climate. This they had to do in order to make up for the [[parsimony]] of nature and out of it all came their high civilization."''<ref> [[Schopenhauer]], ''Parerga and Paralipomena: Short Philosophical Essays'', Volume II, Section 92</ref></blockquote> === Various typologies === {{see|Race (historical definitions)}} One of the first [[typology (anthropology)|typologies]] used to classify various human races was invented by [[Georges Vacher de Lapouge]] (1854-1936), a theoretician of [[eugenics]], who published in 1899 ''L'Aryen et son rôle social'' (1899 - "The [[Aryan]] and his social role"). In this book, he classified humanity into various, hierarchized, races, spanning from the "Aryan white race, dolichocephalic", to the "brachycephalic" "mediocre and inert" race, best represented by the "[[Jew]] {{sic}}." Between these, Vacher de Lapouge identified the "''[[Nordic theory|Homo europaeus]]'' (Teutonic, Protestant, etc.), the "''[[Homo alpinus]]''" ([[Auvergne (province)|Auvergnat]], [[Turkish people|Turkish]], etc.), and finally the "''[[Homo mediterraneus]]''" ([[Naples|Neapolitan]], [[Andalusia|Andalus]], etc.) Vacher de Lapouge became one of the leading inspiration of [[Nazi]] [[anti-semitism]] and [[Nazi racial policies|Nazi racist ideology]].<ref> See [[Pierre-André Taguieff]], ''La couleur et le sang - Doctrines racistes à la française'' ("Colour and Blood - Racist doctrines ''à la française''"), Paris, [[Mille et une nuits]], 2002, 203 pages, and ''La Force du préjugé - Essai sur le racisme et ses doubles'', Tel [[Gallimard]], La Découverte, 1987, 644 pages </ref> Vacher de Lapouge's classification was mirrored in [[William Z. Ripley]] in ''[[The Races of Europe]]'' (1899), a book which had a large influence on US [[white supremacism]]. Ripley even made a map of Europe according to the alleged [[cephalic index]] of its inhabitants. He was an important influence of the American eugenist [[Madison Grant]]. Furthermore, according to John Efron (Indiana Univ.), the late 19th century also witnessed "the scientizing of [[anti-Semitism|anti-Jewish prejudice]]," stigmatizing Jews with male menstruation, pathological hysteria, and [[nymphomania]].<ref name=Efron> John M. Efron (History and Jewish Studies, [[Indiana University]]), ''Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in Fin-De-Siecle Europe'', [[Yale University Press]], 1995, ISBN 978-0300054408 </ref><ref name=Bodek> Richard Bodek. "[http://www.h-net.msu.edu/reviews/showrev.cgi?path=1716846635467 Review of John M. Efron, ''Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors & Race Science in Fin-de-Siècle Europe''"], H-SAE, [[H-Net|H-Net Reviews]], May, 1996 {{en icon}}</ref> At the same time, several Jews, such as [[Joseph Jacobs]] or [[Samuel Weissenberg]], also endorsed the same pseudo-scientific theories, convinced that the Jews formed a distinct race.<ref name=Efron/><ref name=Bodek/> [[Chaim Zhitlovsky]] also attempted to define ''[[Yiddishkayt]]'' (Ashkenazi Jewishness) by turning to contemporary racial theory.<ref name=Chaim> Matthew Hoffman, [http://www.springerlink.com/content/w1945126w78284hm/ From Pintele Yid to Racenjude: Chaim Zhitlovsky and racial conceptions of Jewishness] in ''[[Jewish History]]'', Vol. 19, n°1 / January 2005 </ref> === Deniker, Grant and the "Nordic race" === [[Image:Deniker's Races de l'Europe (1899).jpg|right|thumb|250px|Deniker's "Races de l'Europe" from 1899, including ''la race nordique''.]] One of William Ripley's main opponent was [[Joseph Deniker]] (1852-1918). While Ripley maintained, as Vacher de Lapouge, that Europe was composed of three racial stocks, Joseph Deniker held that there were ten European races (six primary races with four subsidiary or sub-races). Deniker's most lasting contribution to the field of racial theory was the designation of one of his races as ''la race nordique'' (the Northern race). While this group had no special place in Deniker's racial model, it would be elevated by [[Madison Grant]] (1865-1937) in his [[Nordic theory]] to the engine of civilization. Grant adopted Ripley's three-race model for Europeans, but disliked Ripley's use of the "Teuton" for one of the races. Grant transliterated ''la race nordique'' into "Nordic", and promoted it to the top of his racial hierarchy in his own popular racial theory of the 1910s and 1920s. Furthermore, Deniker proposed that the concept of "race" was too confusing, and instead proposed the use of the word "[[ethnic group]]" instead, which was later adopted prominently in the work of [[Julian Huxley]] and [[Alfred C. Haddon]]. Ripley argued that Deniker's idea of a "race" should be rather called a "type", since it was far less biologically rigid than most approaches to the question of race. === Scientific racism in the Svecoman movement in 19th century Finland === {{main|Language strife|Svecoman|Fennoman}} A [[language strife]] developed in the [[Grand Duchy of Finland]] in the 19th century, supported by Finnish speaking nationalists, the [[Fennoman]]s, which aimed at raising the majority language, [[Finnish language]], from peasant-status it had during the Swedish reign to the position of a national language and status. These were opposed by the the Swedish speaking minority living in Finland, called [[Svecomans]] and best represented by the linguist [[Axel Olof Freudenthal]] (1836-1911), who defended the use of the [[Swedish language]] against [[Finnish language|Finnish]]. Svecomans were influenced by Herder, Gobineau, [[Johann Friedrich Blumenbach|Blumenbach]] (1752-1840) and others racialist theorists, and thus considered that Finland was separated into two discrete "races," one speaking Finnish, and the other, superior one, assimilated to the "Germanic race," spoke Swedish. The racial theory was finally disproven by genetics: the genetics of Finnish-speaking and Swedish-speaking Finns do not differ from each other.{{Fact|date=October 2007}} === Scientific racism and eugenics === {{see|Eugenics}} [[Stephen Jay Gould]] described [[Madison Grant]]'s ''[[The Passing of the Great Race]]'' (1916) as "the most influential tract of American scientific racism." In the 1920s-30s, the German [[racial hygiene]] movement embraced Grant's [[Nordic theory]]. [[Alfred Ploetz]] (1860-1940) coined the term ''Rassenhygiene'' in ''Racial Hygiene Basics'' (1895), and founded the [[German Society for Racial Hygiene]] in 1905. The movement advocated [[selective breeding]], [[compulsory sterilization]], and a close alignment of [[public health]] with [[eugenics]]. Racial hygiene was historically tied to traditional notions of [[public health]], but with emphasis on [[heredity]]&mdash;what philosopher and historian [[Michel Foucault]] has called [[state racism]]. In 1869, [[Francis Galton]] (1822-1911) proposed the first social measures meant to preserve or enhance biological characteristics, and later coined the term "eugenics." Galton, a [[statistics|statistician]], introduced [[correlation]] and [[regression analysis]] and discovered [[regression toward the mean]]. He was also the first to study human differences and [[inheritance of intelligence]] with statistical methods. He introduced the use of [[questionnaires]] and [[Statistical survey|survey]]s to collect data on [[population]] sets, which he needed for genealogical and biographical works and for [[anthropometrics|anthropometric]] studies. Galton also founded [[psychometrics]], the science of measuring mental faculties, and [[differential psychology]], a branch of psychology concerned with psychological differences between people rather than common traits. Like scientific racism, eugenics grew popular in the early 20th century, and both ideas influenced [[Nazi racial policies]] and [[Nazi eugenics]]. In 1901, Galton, [[Karl Pearson]] (1857-1936) and [[Walter Frank Raphael Weldon|Walter F. R. Weldon]] (1860-1906) founded the ''[[Biometrika]]'' scientific journal, which promoted [[biometrics]] and statistical analysis of [[heredity]]. [[Charles Davenport]] (1866-1944) was briefly involved in the review. In ''Race Crossing in Jamaica'' (1929), he made statistical arguments that biological and cultural degradation followed white and black [[miscegenation|interbreeding]]. Davenport was connected to [[Nazi Germany]] before and during World War II. In 1939 he wrote a contribution to the ''festschrift'' for [[Otto Reche]] (1879-1966), who became an important figure within the plan to remove populations considered "inferior" from eastern Germany.<ref>Kuhl, 1994.</ref> === Scientific racism and popular racist ideology === {{see|Human zoo}} [[Image:Baartman.jpg|thumbnail|right|240px|A caricature of [[Saartjie Baartman]], called the ''Hottentot Venus''. Born to a [[Khoisan]] family, she was displayed in London in the early 19th century that sparked the indignation of the African Association. She was examined by French anatomist [[Georges Cuvier]] and then died in 1815. Her remains were conserved until 1974 at the ''[[Musée de l'Homme]]'' and have since been returned to South Africa on [[Nelson Mandela]]'s request. ]] [[Human zoo]]s, sometimes called "[[ethnographic]] exhibitions" or "Negro villages," were objects of [[anthropology]] and [[anthropometry]] and also an important means of bolstering "popular racism." Human zoos were popular from the 1870s until World War II, and the concept survived into the 21st century. Ethnographic zoos were often predicated on [[Unilineal evolution|unilinealism]] and a version of [[Social Darwinism]]. Many placed [[Indigenous peoples|indigenous people]] (particularly Africans) in a continuum between Europeans and the non-human [[hominid]]s. Fundamental to scientific racism, unilinealism claimed [[Western culture]] was the contemporary pinnacle of [[social evolution]]. It was upheld by famous thinkers such as [[August Comte]] (1798-1857), [[Edward Burnett Tylor]] (1832-1917), [[Lewis Henry Morgan]] (1818-1881), and [[Herbert Spencer]] (1820-1903). [[Social evolutionism]] attempted to scientifically formalize social thinking, and was later influenced by the [[Evolution|biological theory of evolution]]. Displaying human beings in cages to demonstrate scientific racist theories was common in the second half of the 19th century. The [[Exposition Universelle (1889)|1889 World Fair]] in Paris had as major attraction a "Negro village" where 400 indigenous people were displayed. [[Carl Hagenbeck]], a German merchant in wild animals, exhibited in 1874 [[Samoans]] and [[Sami people]] described as "purely natural" populations. Two years later, he sent an emissary to [[Sudan]] to capture wild beasts for his [[circus]] attractions, along with [[Nubian]]s. Geoffroy de Saint-Hilaire, son of Edouard Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire and owner of the Parisian ''Jardin d'acclimatation'', presented Nubians and [[Inuit]] in 1877. In 1906, [[Madison Grant]], head of the [[Bronx Zoo|New York Zoological Society]], had [[Pygmy|Congolese pygmy]] [[Ota Benga]] put on display at the [[Bronx Zoo]] in New York City alongside [[ape]]s and other animals. At the behest of Grant, a prominent [[eugenics|eugenicist]], the zoo director placed Ota Benga in a cage with an orangutan and labeled him ''The Missing Link'', illustrating that in evolutionary terms Africans like Ota Benga were closer to apes than were Europeans. Historian Pascal Blanchard et al. thus wrote: <blockquote>''Human zoos, the incredible symbols of the colonial period and the transition from the nineteenth to twentieth century, have been completely suppressed in our collective history and memory. Yet they were major social events. The French, Europeans and Americans came in their tens of millions to discover the "[[Noble savage|savage]]" for the first time in zoos or "[[ethnography|ethnographic]]" and colonial fairs. These exhibitions of the exotic (the future "native") laid the foundations on which, over an almost sixty-year period, was spun the West's progressive transition from a "scientific" racism to a colonial and "mass" racism affecting millions of "visitors" from Paris to Hamburg, London to New York, Moscow to Barcelona...''<ref> **{{cite news | title=Le retour des zoos humains (par Pascal Blanchard et Olivier Barlet) | publisher=Africacultures |date=October 28, 2005 | url=http://www.africultures.com/index.asp?menu=affiche_article&no=3920}};**{{cite news | title=From human zoos to colonial apotheoses: the era of exhibiting the Other by Pascal Blanchard, Nicolas Bancel and Sandrine Lemaire (English version) | publisher=Africacultures |date=October 28, 2005 | url=http://www.africultures.com/anglais/articles_anglais/43blanchard.htm}};**[http://www.derbraunemob.info/deutsch/index.htm Black Deutschland, von Oliver Hardt] </ref> </blockquote> ===Justification of slavery in the nineteenth century=== [[Image:Morton drawing.png|left|thumb|200px|An 1839 drawing by [[Samuel George Morton]] of "a Negro head… a Caucasian skull… a Mongol head."]] Some, mostly in the United States, aimed to scientifically justify African enslavement to quell moral questions raised by the [[Atlantic slave trade]]. Alexander Thomas and Samuell Sillen described Black men as uniquely fitted for bondage due to their "primitive psychological organization."<ref>[[Alexander Thomas]] and [[Samuell Sillen]] (1972). ''Racism and Psychiatry''. New York: Carol Publishing Group.</ref> In 1851, antebellum Southern physician [[Samuel A. Cartwright]] (1793-1863) of Louisiana considered the attempts of slaves to gain freedom as a treatable mental illness he named "[[drapetomania]]". He wrote that with "proper medical advice, strictly followed, this troublesome practice that many Negroes have of running away can be almost entirely prevented."<ref>Samual A. Cartwright, [http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part4/4h3106t.html "Diseases and Peculiarities of the Negro Race"], ''[[DeBow's Review]]—Southern and Western States'', Volume XI, New Orleans, 1851</ref> Cartwright also described ''[[dysaethesia aethiopica]]'', "called by overseers 'rascality'". By 1840 the challenge to slavery had begun in earnest. An 1840 census seemed to indicate that Northern blacks had higher rates of mental illness than enslaved Southern blacks. Southerners concluded that Negroes seeking freedom suffered only from "mental disorders". The census served as a political weapon against abolitionists (Higgins, 1994). Attention to race near the time of the [[American Civil War]] led to studies of physiological differences between [[Caucasian race|Caucasians]] and [[Negro]]es, with focus on the question of [[miscegenation]]. Early [[anthropology|anthropologists]] such as [[Josiah Clark Nott]], [[George Robins Gliddon]], [[Robert Knox]], and [[Samuel George Morton]] aimed to prove scientifically that Negroes were not the same species as [[white people]], that the rulers of [[Ancient Egypt]] were not actually [[Africa]]ns, and that racially mixed offspring were infertile or weak. After the Civil War, Southern physicians wrote many texts outlining scientific studies claiming freed blacks were dying out, implying blacks benefited from [[slavery]]. ==In the twentieth and twenty first centuries== Scientific racism continued through the early twentieth century, and soon [[intelligence testing]] became a new source for racial comparisons. Poorly designed studies appeared to support the physical and mental inferiority of "Negroes" ([[African Americans]]) and [[Latin Americans]], and, at the turn of the century, "racial scientific" questions about the equality of [[Eastern European]]s and [[Jew]]s, to Northern European whites. In the United States, [[Eugenics|eugenicists]] such as [[Harry H. Laughlin]] and [[Madison Grant]] sought to prove the physical and mental inadequacy of certain ethnic groups to scientifically justify [[compulsory sterilization]] and [[Immigration Act of 1924|immigration restriction]]. Compulsory sterilization continued until the 1960s and beyond. In France, [[Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine|Nobel Prize]] winner [[Alexis Carrel]], who founded the ancestor of the present [[INED]] demographic institute, followed a similar discourse under the [[Vichy regime]]. However, Vichy didn't implement any eugenics programs. ===Nazi Germany=== The Nazis and sympathizers published many books on scientific racism, seizing on the [[eugenics|eugenic]] and [[anti-Semitism|anti-Semitic]] ideas with which they would later become associated though they were already in circulation since the 19th century. Books such as ''Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes'' ("Ethnology of the German People") by [[Hans F. K. Günther]] and ''Rasse und Seele'' ("Race and Soul") by Dr. [[Ludwig Ferdinand Clauss]] attempted to scientifically identify differences between the [[Germans|German]], [[Nordic theory|Nordic]], or [[Aryan]] people and other, supposedly inferior, groups. German schools used these books as texts during the Nazi era. <center> <gallery> Image:Rasse und Seele title.png|"Race and Soul" schoolbook Image:Rasse_und_Selle_female.png|"Race and Soul" showing expressions of Nordic people Image:Rasse_und_Seele_photos_male.png|"Race and Soul" showing characteristics of Nordic people Image:Kleine_Rassenkunde_cover.png|"Small Ethnology of the German People" Image:Kleine_Rassenkunde_photos.png|"Small Ethnology" showing Germanic types Image:Kleine_Rassenkunde_dolicho.png|"Small Ethnology" showing differences in skull shape </gallery> </center> In the early 1930s, the [[Nazi Party]] used racialized scientific rhetoric based on [[social Darwinism]] to push its restrictive and discriminatory social policies. During [[World War II]], Nazi racialist beliefs became anathema in the United States, and Boasians such as [[Ruth Benedict]] consolidated their institutional power. After the war, discovery of [[the Holocaust]] and Nazi abuses of scientific research (such as [[Josef Mengele]]'s ethical violations and other [[war crime]]s revealed at the [[Nuremberg Trials]]) led most of the scientific community to repudiate scientific support for racism. ===South African Apartheid=== {{seealso|Carnegie Commission on the Poor White Problem in South Africa}} Scientific racism played a role in establishing [[Apartheid]] in [[South Africa]]. In South Africa, white scientists, like Dudly Kidd, who published ''The essential Kafir'' in 1904, sought to "understand the African mind." They believed that the cultural differences between whites and blacks in South Africa might be caused by physiological differences in the brain. Rather than suggesting that Africans were "overgrown children," as early white explorers had, Kidd believed that Africans were "misgrown with a vengeance." He described Africans as at once "hopelessly deficient," yet "very shrewd."<ref name="Dubow">Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa By Saul Dubow. 1995. ISBN 052147907X</ref> The [[Carnegie Commission on the Poor White Problem in South Africa]] played a key role in establishing [[Apartheid]] in [[South Africa]]. According to one memorandum sent to Frederick Keppel, then president of the [[Carnegie Corporation]], there was "little doubt that if the natives were given full economic opportunity, the more competent among them would soon outstrip the less competent whites"<ref name="swar">''The Silent War: Imperialism and the Changing Perception of Race'' By Frank Füredi. Page 66-67. ISBN 0813526124</ref> Keppel's support for the project of creating the report was motivated by his concern with the maintenance of existing racial boundaries.<ref name="swar">''The Silent War: Imperialism and the Changing Perception of Race'' By Frank Füredi. Page 66-67. ISBN 0813526124</ref> The preoccupation of the [[Carnegie Corporation]] with the so-called poor white problem in South Africa was at least in part the outcome of similar misgivings about the state of poor whites in the American South.<ref name="swar">''The Silent War: Imperialism and the Changing Perception of Race'' By Frank Füredi. Page 66-67. ISBN 0813526124</ref> The report was five volumes in length.<ref name="amcentry">''The American Century: Consensus and Coercion in the Projection of American Power'' By David Slater and Peter James Taylor. Page 290. ISBN 0631212221 1999</ref> At the turn of the century, white Americans, and whites elsewhere in the world, felt uneasy because poverty and economic depression seemed to strike people regardless of race.<ref name="amcentry">''The American Century: Consensus and Coercion in the Projection of American Power'' By David Slater and Peter James Taylor. Page 290. ISBN 0631212221 1999</ref> White poverty contradicted notions of racial superiority, and hence it became the focus of "scientific" study. Though the ground work for Apartheid began earlier, the report provided support for this central idea of black inferiority. This was the justification for the segregation and discrimination<ref>''[http://lis.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/18/1/23 Racially segregated school libraries in KwaZulu/Natal, South Africa]'' by Jennifer Verbeek. Journal of Librarianship and Information Science, Vol. 18, No. 1, 23-46 (1986)</ref> of the following decades.<ref name="haunted">''Haunted by Empire: Geographies of Intimacy in North American History'' By Ann Laura Stoler. Page 66. ISBN 082233724X</ref>The report expressed fear about the loss of white racial pride, and in particular pointed to the danger that the poor white would not be able to resist the process of "Africanisation."<ref name="swar">''The Silent War: Imperialism and the Changing Perception of Race'' By Frank Füredi. Page 66-67. ISBN 0813526124</ref> Although scientific racism played a role in justifying and supporting institutional racism in South Africa, it was not as important in South Africa as it has been in Europe and the United States. This was due in part to the "poor white problem," which raised serious questions for supremacists about white racial superiority.<ref name="Dubow">Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa By Saul Dubow. 1995. ISBN 052147907X</ref> Since poor whites were found to be in the same situation as natives in the African environment, the idea that intrinsic white superiority could overcome any environment did not seem to hold. As such, scientific justifications for racism were not as useful in South Africa.<ref name="Dubow">Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa By Saul Dubow. 1995. ISBN 052147907X</ref> ===Justification for racial segregation === {{seealso|Racial segregation in the United States}} The intellectual roots of ''[[Plessy v. Ferguson]]'', the landmark United States Supreme Court decision, upholding the constitutionality of [[Racial segregation in the United States|racial segregation]], under the doctrine of "[[separate but equal]]" were, in part, tied to the scientific racism of the era, however the popular support for the decision was more likely a result of the racist beliefs held by most whites at the time.<ref name="rlac">''Race, Law, and Culture: Reflections on Brown v. Board of Education'' By Austin Sarat. Page 55 and 59. 1997. ISBN 0195106229</ref> Later, the court decision, [[Brown v. Board of Education]] would reject the ideas of scientific racists about the need for segregation, especially in schools. Following that decision both scholarly and popular ideas of scientific racism played an important role in the attack and backlash that followed the court decision.<ref name="rlac"/> The ''[[Mankind Quarterly]]'' is a journal that has pubished scientific racism. It was founded in 1960, in part in response to the 1954 United States Supreme Court decision [[Brown v. Board of Education]] which ordered the desegregation of US schools.<ref>"'Scientific’ Racism Again?': Reginald Gates, the Mankind Quarterly and the Question of 'Race' in Science after the Second World War," ''Journal of American Studies'' (2007), 41: 253-278 Cambridge University Press by Gavin Schaffer</ref><ref name="jackson">''Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case Against Brown v. Board of Education''. By John P. Jackson. ISBN 0814742718 Page 148</ref> Many of the publication's contributors, publishers, and Board of Directors espouse academic [[hereditarianism]]. The publication is widely criticized for its extremist politics, anti-semitic bent and its support for scientific racism.<ref>E.g., Arvidsson, Stefan (2006), ''Aryan Idols: Indo-European Mythology as Ideology and Science'', translated by Sonia Wichmann, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press.</ref> ===Civil rights era=== In the 1960s, [[Alex Haley]] interviewed [[American Nazi Party]] founder [[George Lincoln Rockwell]] for ''[[Playboy]]'' magazine (April 1966 issue). Rockwell explained why he believed blacks were inferior to whites, citing a study by G.O. Ferguson that showed black people who were part white outperformed "pure-black niggers" (Rockwell's words) on a test. Rockwell's use of these statistics is a textbook example of a [[statistical fallacy]] used to propagate scientific racism.<ref>The statistics used in the study and the excerpt from the Playboy article were used as an example of a "statistical fallacy" in the book ''Flaws and Fallacies in Statistical Thinking'' by Stephen K. Campbell</ref> Following the United States [[Civil Rights Movement]], scientific racism received increased attention. Many scientists who previously studied racial differences moved to other fields. For example, [[Robert Yerkes]], who previously worked on the World War I Army intelligence testing, moved to the field of [[primatology]]. ===IQ tests and intelligence research=== {{main|Race and intelligence}} Much of the science in early physical-anthropological studies on race is now discredited as [[methodology|methodologically]] flawed. Early [[IQ test]]s of soldiers during [[World War I]], for example, were found later to measure [[acculturation]] to the USA more than latent intelligence.{{Fact|date=February 2007}} They included highly context-based questions, such as: "[[Crisco]] is a: patent medicine, disinfectant, toothpaste, food product" and "[[Christy Mathewson]] is famous as a: writer, artist, baseball player, comedian." Recent immigrants did poorly on such questions, and scores correlated most with the time spent immersed in [[American culture]]. Modern studies on [[race and intelligence]] overcome many of these concerns, and remain subjects of intense interest because they continue to show differences between races. Dorothy Roberts writes that the early [[eugenics]] movement in the US was strongly tied to older scientific racism used to justify slavery. Roberts writes that the development of eugenic theory paralleled the acceptance of intelligence as the primary indicator of human value. Eugenicists claimed IQ tests could quantify innate human ability in a single measurement, despite the objections of the tests' creator, [[Alfred Binet]].<ref>''Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty'' by Dorothy Roberts. Page 63. December 1998 ISBN 0679758690</ref> Until the 1920s such work was regarded as science and faced little criticism. But soon, [[cultural anthropology|cultural anthropologist]] [[Franz Boas]] and [[Ruth Benedict]] began to note methodological errors and claim politics and ideology biased the work's conclusions. Through the 1920s and 1930s, the Boasian school of [[cultural anthropology]] slowly replaced [[physical anthropology]] in a bitter institutional battle, though the Boasians were later defeated. Many geneticists and anthropologists, such as [[Julian Huxley]] and [[Alfred C. Haddon]], denounced Nazi views on race and the studies purported to support them. Some works were even made into anti-racist propaganda and distributed as pamphlets. Many began to specifically identify Nazi Germany with racist attitudes previously accepted by scientists in [[Western Allies|Western Allied]] nations. After the war, the association with Nazism led to widespread denunciation of scientific research into racial differences. International bodies such as [[United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization|UNESCO]] attempted to draft resolutions that would summarize the state of scientific knowledge about race and issued calls for the resolution of racial conflicts. In its 1950 ''The Race Question'', UNESCO declared that "A race, from the biological standpoint, may therefore be defined as one of the group of populations constituting the species Homo sapiens", which were broadly defined as the [[Mongoloid]], [[Negroid]], and the [[Caucasoid]] "divisions" but stated that "It is now generally recognized that intelligence tests do not in themselves enable us to differentiate safely between what is due to innate capacity and what is the result of environmental influences, training and education."[http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001282/128291eo.pdf] To this day, the statement is controversial among some scientists who disagreed with its accuracy (such as [[R. A. Fisher]]), or its purpose (as a political declaration of scientific consensus). The statement also conflicts with the views that deny the reality of [[Race (classification of human beings)|race]]. In 1978, the ''UNESCO Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice'' proclaimed no race was superior to any other, but, in contrast to the 1950 statement, relied more on "moral and ethical principles of humanity" rather than science.[http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.php-URL_ID=13161&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html] The corresponding 2001 statement by UNESCO, ''Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity'' does not mention race at all, and does not justify its views on cultural diversity with science.[http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001271/127160m.pdf] Views, or at least the language, of racial discourse, have clearly evolved over the half-century. The issue has remained controversial. In 2007, James Watson, famed pioneer of DNA, was criticized after being quoted as saying that black people (notably Africans) were less intelligent than white people (notably Westerners).<ref>[http://www.independent.co.uk/news/science/fury-at-dna-pioneers-theory-africans-are-less-intelligent-than-westerners-394898.html Fury at DNA pioneer's theory: Africans are less intelligent than Westerners - The Independent]</ref> ==Contemporary usage== Today, "scientific racism" refers to politically motivated research aiming to scientifically justify racist ideology. Researchers accused of scientific racism often claim that their work is objective, and that their critics are motivated by [[political correctness]] or [[censorship]]. Contemporary researchers who have been described as scientific racists include [[Arthur Jensen]] (''[[The g Factor|The g Factor: The Science of Mental Ability]]''); [[J. Philippe Rushton]], president of the [[Pioneer Fund]] (''[[Race, Evolution, and Behavior]]''); [[Chris Brand]]; [[Richard Lynn]] (''[[IQ and the Wealth of Nations]]''); [[Charles Murray]]; and [[Richard Herrnstein]] (''[[The Bell Curve]]''), among others.<ref name="critical">''Critical Social Issues in American Education'' By H. Svi Shapiro and David E. Purpel. page 228. 2005. ISBN 080584452X</ref> The critics of these authors, such as [[Stephen Jay Gould]] and [[Richard Lewontin]], and others write that their works have racist motivations, are not supported by the available evidence, and are based on racist outdated assumptions. Some publications, such as the ''[[Mankind Quarterly]]'', have been accused of systematically publishing racist research. The ''[[Mankind Quarterly]]'' is an anthropology journal that contains articles on [[human evolution]], [[intelligence (trait)|intelligence]], [[ethnography]], [[language]], [[mythology]], [[archaeology]], and race. The journal publishes work they feel would otherwise be suppressed due to what they call the political domination of the scientific enterprise by "liberals, Communists and Jews."<ref name="jackson2">''Science for Segregation: Race, Law, and the Case Against Brown V. Board of Education. by John P. Jackson. ISBN 0814742718 Page 11</ref> In the 1990s, the ''Mankind Quarterly'' received attention when opponents of ''[[The Bell Curve]]'' publicized that its authors, [[Richard Herrnstein|Herrnstein]] and [[Charles Murray|Murray]], had first been published in the journal.{{Fact|date=January 2008}} In the ''New York Review of Books'', Charles Lane characterized ''The Bell Curve'''s sources as "tainted", noting seventeen researchers cited in the book who had contributed articles to the ''Mankind Quarterly'', of whom ten had been editors. He describes the ''Mankind Quarterly'' as "a notorious journal of 'racial history' founded, and funded, by men who believe in the genetic superiority of the white race."<ref>{{cite journal |last=Weyher |first=Harry F. |authorlink= |coauthors= |year=1995 |month=February 2 |title='The Bell Curve' and Its Sources |journal=The New York Review of Books |volume=42 |issue=2 |pages= |id= |url=http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2008 |accessdate= 2008-01-06 |quote= }}</ref> ==See also== * [[Alexandru Dimitrie Xenopol]] (1847-1920, authored a booklet on "[[race and intelligence]]", inspirator of the [[Iron Guard]]) * [[Albert Einstein's brain]] * [[American Renaissance (magazine)]], a monthly racialist magazine<ref name='AmRen'> {{cite web|url=http://www.amren.com/siteinfo/information.htm |title=American Renaissance |accessdate=2008-03-03 }} "Race and racial conflict are at the heart of the most serious challenges the Western World faces in the 21st century." </ref> * [[Biological determinism]] * [[Craniometry]] * [[Drapetomania]] * [[Eugenics]] * [[Hamitic hypothesis]] * [[Institute for the Study of Academic Racism]] * [[John Hanning Speke]] * [[Nazism and race]] * [[Pioneer Fund]] * [[Psychometrics]] * [[Race and intelligence]] * [[Racialism]] * ''[[Racists]]'', a 2006 novel by [[Kunal Basu]] * [[Science Wars]] ==References== {{reflist|2}} == Bibliography == * Asseo, Henriette. 1997. ''The Gypsies During the Second World War, Vol. 1: From Race Science to the Camps''. University of Hertfordshire Press. ISBN 0-900458-78-X *Barkan, Elazar. 1992. ''The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States between the World Wars''. New York: Cambridge University Press. *Biddiss, Michael D. 1970. ''Father of Racist Ideology: The Social and Political Thought of Count Gobineau''. New York: Weybright and Talley. *Dennis, Rutledge M. 1995. [http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3626/is_199507/ai_n8730395 "Social Darwinism, scientific racism, and the metaphysics of race"]. ''Journal of Negro Education'' 64:243–52. Accessed [[21 October]] [[2007]]. *Detterman, Douglas K. 2006. "Intelligence." ''Microsoft Student 2007'' <nowiki>[</nowiki>[[DVD]]]. Redmond, WA: Microsoft Corporation. *Efron, John M. 1995. ''Defenders of the Race: Jewish Doctors and Race Science in Fin-De-Siecle Europe''. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300054408 *Ehrenreich, Eric. 2007. ''The Nazi Ancestral Proof: Genealogy, Racial Science, and the Final Solution''. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34945-3 *[[Stephen Jay Gould|Gould, Stephen Jay]]. 1981. ''[[The Mismeasure of Man]]''. New York: Norton. *[[Paul R. Gross|Gross, Paul R.]], and Levitt, Norman. 1994. ''[[Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and Its Quarrels With Science]]''. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN 0-8018-4766-4 *Higgins, A.C. n.d. [http://www.math.buffalo.edu/mad/special/scientific-racism.html "Scientific Racism: A Review of ''The Science and Politics of Racial Research'' by William H. Tucker"]. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1994. Accessed [[21 October]] [[2007]]. *Mintz, Frank P. 1985. ''The Liberty Lobby and the American Right: Race, Conspiracy, and Culture''. Westport, CT: Greenwood. *Kühl, Stefan. 1994. ''The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism''. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. *Lombardo, Paul A. 2002. "‘The American Breed’: Nazi Eugenics and the Origins of the [[Pioneer Fund]]." ''Albany Law Review'' 65:743–830. *[[Charles Murray (author)|Murray, Charles]]. 2005. [http://www.commentarymagazine.com/production/files/murray0905.html "The Inequality Taboo"]. ''Commentary Magazine'', September. *[[Leon Poliakov|Poliakov, Leon]]. 1974. ''Aryan Myth: A History of Racist and Nationalist Ideas in Europe''. New York, NY: Basic Books. *[[Robert N. Proctor|Proctor, Robert N.]] 1988. ''Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis''. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. * Sapp, Jan. 1987. ''Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle for Authority in Genetics''. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504206-9 * Schaffer, Gavin. 2007. " 'Scientific' Racism Again?": Reginald Gates, the Mankind Quarterly and the question of "race" in science after the Second World War', Journal of American Studies, 41:2, 253-278. *[[Pierre-André Taguieff|Taguieff, Pierre-André]]. 1987. ''La Force du préjugé. Essai sur le racisme et ses doubles''. Paris: [[Gallimard]], La Découverte. ISBN 2-07-071977-4 {{fr icon}} *Tucker, William. 2002. ''The Funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund''. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. *[[UNESCO]]. 1950. ''[[The Race Question]]''. ==External links== *[http://www.ferris.edu/HTMLS/staff/webpages/site.cfm?LinkID=259&eventID=34 Institute for the Study of Academic Racism], [[Ferris State University]] (Michigan, USA) maintained by Barry Mehler *[http://www.nizkor.org/other-sites/race-science.html Links to scholarly websites about "race science"] by [[Nizkor Project]] *[http://www.cromohs.unifi.it/8_2003/abbamindiv.html The Problem of Human Diversity in the European Cultural Experience of the Eighteenth Century (Trieste, 14-15 February 2002)] *[http://www.rationalrevolution.net/articles/darwin_nazism.htm The Mis-portrayal of Darwin as a Racist] - Refutes claims that Darwin was a racist or that his views inspired the Nazis *[http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/bv.fcgi?rid=neurosci.box.1833 Brain Size and Intelligence] *[http://www.skeptic.com/eskeptic/05-02-18.html Reviews of ''Race: The Reality of Human Differences''] *[http://www.racesci.org/index.html RaceSci.org: History of Race in Science] *Gardner, Dan. [http://www.sinc.sunysb.edu/Stu/lmarfogl/project/race_gerdner.htm Race Science: When Racial Categories Make No Sense]. ''[[The Globe and Mail]]'', Oct. 27, 1995. *[http://www.ferris.edu/htmls/OTHERSRV/ISAR Institute for the study of academic racism (ISAR)] *[http://www.pbs.org/race/000_About/002_03_a-godeeper.htm Race, Science, and Social Policy.] From Race: The Power of an Illusion. [[PBS]]. *[http://www.arthurhu.com/INDEX/index.htm Arthur Hu's Index of Diversity] *[http://www.kenanmalik.com/essays/tpm_race.html Kenan Malik discusses race and intelligence] {{Racism topics|state=collapsed}} [[Category:Eugenics]] [[Category:Pseudoscience]] [[Category:Race and intelligence controversy]] [[Category:Racism]] [[Category:Scientific racism| ]] [[da:Racelære]] [[de:Rassentheorien]] [[fr:Racialisme]] [[no:Rasebiologi]]