Social Choice and Individual Values
5117137
220127389
2008-06-18T12:07:56Z
Thomasmeeks
1151692
/* References */ rm 1970 Sen LC #, ISBN: Why list source w minor errors (corrected in later printings)?
[[Kenneth Arrow]]'s [[monograph]] '''''Social Choice and Individual Values''''' (1951, 2nd ed., 1963) and a theorem within it created modern [[social choice theory]], a rigorous melding of social [[ethics]] and [[voting theory]] with an [[economics|economic]] flavor. Somewhat formally, the "social choice" in the title refers to Arrow's representation of how ''social values'' from the ''set of individual orderings'' would be implemented under the ''constitution''. Intuitively, each social choice corresponds to the feasible set of laws passed by a "vote" (the set of orderings) under the constitution even if not every individual voted in favor of all the laws.
The book culminated in what Arrow called the "General Possibility Theorem," thereafter better known as [[Arrow's impossibility theorem|Arrow's (impossibility) theorem]]. The theorem shows that, absent restrictions on either individual preferences or neutrality of the constitution as to feasible alternatives, there exists no social choice rule that satisfies a set of seemingly plausible requirements. The result is a generalization and extension of the [[voting paradox]], which shows that majority voting may fail to yield a stable outcome.
== Introduction ==
The Introduction contrasts voting in the political realm and markets in the economic realm with dictatorship and social convention (such as from a religious code). These are all ways of making social decisions. But voting and markets facilitate ''social'' choice in a sense, as dictatorship and convention limit it. The former amalgamate possibly differing tastes to make a social choice. The concern is with formal aspects of generalizing such choices. In this respect it is comparable to analysis of the [[voting paradox]] from use of [[majority rule]] as a value.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|In the simplest case of the voting paradox, there are 3 candidates, A, B, and C, and 3 voters with preferences listed in decreasing order as follows.
:Voter 1: A B C
:Voter 2: B C A
:Voter 3: C A B
By majority rule for 2-candidate votes, A beats B, B beats C, but C beats A. Majority rule works for an individual selecting consistently among the 3 candidates but not necessarily for the "social choice" in any general sense.
|}
The book asks whether other methods of taste aggregation (whether by voting or markets), using other values, remedy the problem or are satisfactory in other ways. Here logical consistency is one check on acceptability of all the values. To answer the questions, Arrow proposes removing the distinction between voting and markets in favor of a more general category of collective social choice.
The analysis uses [[ordinal utility|ordinal rankings]] of individual choice to represent behavioral patterns. [[cardinal utility|Cardinal measures]] of individual [[utility]] and, ''a fortiori'', interpersonal comparisons of utility are avoided on grounds that such measures are unnecessary to represent behavior and depend on mutually incompatible value judgments (p. 9).
Following [[Abram Bergson]], whose formulation of a [[social welfare function]] launched ordinalist [[welfare economics]], Arrow avoids locating a social good as independent of individual values. Rather, social values inhere in actions from social-decision rules (hypostatized as ''constitutional conditions'') using individual values as input. Then 'social values' means "nothing more than social choices." (p.106)
Topics implicated along the way include [[game theory]], the [[compensation principle]] in [[welfare economics]], [[extended sympathy]], Liebniz's principle of the [[identity of indiscernibles]], [[logrolling]], and similarity of social judgments through [[Arrow's impossibility theorem|single-peaked preferences]], Kant’s [[categorical imperative]], or the [[decision making|decision process]].
== Terminology ==
The book defines a few terms and logical symbols used thereafter and their applied empirical interpretation (pp. 11-19, 23). Key among these is the "vote" ('set of orderings') of the society (more generally "collectivity") comprised of individuals (“voters” here) in the following form:
*'''Voters''', a finite set with at least two members, indexed as ''1'', ''2'', ..., ''i'', ..., ''n''.
**'''Commodities''', the objects of choice (things that voters might want, [[goods]] and services), including private and collective (municipal services, statecraft, etc.).
***A '''social state''', a complete description (representable as a [[Vector space|vector]]) of a (conceivable) bundle of 'commodities' as to quantity and distribution among voters, labor supplied by each voter, and resources used in each productive activity.
****The '''set of social states''', the set of all 'social states', indexed as ''x'', ''y'', ''z'', . . , with at least three members.
*****A (weak) '''ordering''', a ranking by a voter of all 'social states' from more to less preferred, including possible ties.
******The '''set of 'orderings'''', the set of all ''n'' orderings, one ordering per voter.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|Example: Three voters {''1,2,3''} and three states {''x,y,z''}. Given the three states, there are 13 logically possible orderings (allowing for ties).''*'' Since each of the individuals may hold any of the orderings, there are 13*13*13 = 2197 possible "votes" (sets of orderings). A well-defined social-decision rule selects the social state (or states, in case of tie) corresponding to each of these "votes."
''*'' Namely, from top to bottom for each possible ranking and with 'T's indexing ties:
x y z x y T z (x T y z repeats
y x z y T x z y T x z, so is omitted, etc.)
z x y z x T y
x z y x T z y
y z x y z T x
z y x z T y x x T y T z
|}The ordering of each voter ranks social states, including the ''distribution'' of commodities (possibly based on equity, by whatever metric, or any other consideration), not merely direct consumption by that voter. So, the ordering is an "individual value," not merely, as in earlier analysis, a purely private "taste." Arrow notes that the distinction is not sharp. [[Resource allocation]] is specified in the production of each social state in the ordering.
The comprehensive character of ''commodities'', the ''set'' of ''social states'', and the ''set'' of ''orderings'' was noted by early reviewers.
The 2 properties that define any ordering of the set of ''objects'' in question (all ''social states'' here) are:
* '''connectedness''' ('''completeness'''): ''All'' the objects in the set are included in the ranking (no "undecideds" nor "abstentions") and
* '''transitivity''': If, for any objects ''x'', ''y'', and ''z'' in the set, ''x'' is ranked at least as high as ''y'' and ''y'' is ranked at least as high as ''z'', then ''x'' is ranked at least as high as ''z''.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|A standard [[indifference curve|indifference-curve map]] for an individual has these properties and so is an ordering. Each [[Line (mathematics)#ray|ray]] from the origin ranks (conceivable) commodity bundles from least preferred on up (no ties in the ranking). Each indifference curve ranks commodity bundles as equally preferred (all ties in the ranking).
|}
The earlier definition of an '''ordering''' implies that any given ordering entails 1 of 3 responses on the "ballot" as between any pair of social states (''x'', ''y''): ''better than'', ''as good as'', or ''worse than'' (in preference ranking). (Here "as good as" is an "equally-ranked," not a "don't know," relation.)
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|The denotations of these 3 "ballot" options are respectively:
* '''x P y''' (''x'' preferred to ''y'')
* '''x I y''' (voter indifferent to ''x'' and ''y''
* '''y P x''' (''y'' preferred to ''x'').
It is convenient for deriving implications to compact the first 2 of these options on the ballot to 1, an "''at least'' as good as" relation, denoted ''R'':
* '''x R y''': either ''x'' preferred to ''y'' or ''x'' indifferent to ''y''.
The above 2 properties of an ordering are then axiomatized as:
'''connectedness''': For all (the objects of choice in the set) ''x'' and ''y'', either ''x R y'' or ''y R x''.
'''transitivity''': For all ''x'', ''y'', and ''z'', ''x R y'' and ''y R z'' imply ''x R z''.
Thus, alternation ('or') and conjunction ('and') of ''R'' relations represent both the properties of an ordering for all the objects of choice.
The ''I'' and ''P'' relations are then defined as:
'''x I y''': ''x R y'' and ''y R x'' (''x'' ''as good as'' ''y'' means ''x'' ''at least'' as good as ''y'' and ''vice versa'').
'''x P y''': not ''y R x'' (''y R x'' includes 1 of 2 options. Negating that option leaves only ''x P y'', the third of the original 3 options, on the ballot.)
From this, conjunction ('and') and negation ('not') of mere pairwise ''R'' relations can (also) represent all the properties of an ordering for all the objects of choice. Hence, the following shorthand.
|}
An [[Total order|ordering]] of a voter is denoted by '''R'''. That ordering of voter ''i'' is denoted with a subscript as '''<math>R_i</math>'''.
If voter ''i'' changes orderings, primes distinguish the first and second, say '''<math>R_i</math>''' compared to '''<math>R_i</math>' '''. The same notation can apply for 2 different hypothetical orderings of the same voter.
The interest of the book is in amalgamating sets of orderings. This is accomplished through a 'constitution'.
*A '''constitution''' (or '''social welfare function''') is a ''voting rule'' mapping each (of at least 1) set of orderings onto a '''social ordering''', a corresponding ordering of the set of social states that applies to each voter.
A social ordering of a constitution is denoted '''R'''. (Context or a subscript distinguishes a voter ordering ''R'' from the same symbol for a social ordering.)
For any 2 social states ''x'' and ''y'' of a given social ordering ''R'':
'''x P y''' is "social preference" of ''x'' over ''y'' (''x'' is selected over ''y'' by the rule).
'''x I y''' is "social indifference" between ''x'' and ''y'' (both are ranked the same by the rule).
'''x R y''' is either "social preference" of ''x'' over ''y'' or "social indifference" between ''x'' and ''y'' (''x'' is ranked least as good as ''y'' by the rule).
A social ordering applies to each ordering in the set of orderings (hence the "social" part and the associated amalgamation). This is so regardless of (dis)similarity between the social ordering and any or all the orderings in the set. But Arrow places the constitution in the context of ordinalist [[welfare economics]], which attempts to aggregate different tastes in a coherent, plausible way.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
| The social ordering for a given set of orderings as to the set of social states is analogous to an [[Consumer theory|indifference-curve map]] for an individual as to the set of commodity bundles. There is no necessary interpretation from this that "society" is just a big voter. Still, the relation of a set of voter orderings to the outcome of the voting rule, whether a social ordering or not, is a focus of the book.
|}
Arrow (pp. 15, 26-28) shows how to go from the social ordering ''R'' for a given set of orderings to a particular 'social choice' by specifying:
* the '''environment''', '''S''': the ''subset'' of social states that is (hypothetically) ''available'' ([[Production possibilities frontier|feasible]] as to [[Factors of production|resource]] quantity and productivity), not merely conceivable.
The social ordering ''R'' then selects the top-ranked social state(s) from the subset as the ''social choice'' set.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
| This is a generalization from [[consumer theory|consumer demand theory]] with [[perfect competition]] on the buyer's side. ''S'' corresponds to the set of commodity bundles on or inside the budget constraint for an individual. The consumer's top choice is at the highest indifference curve on the budget constraint.
|}
Less informally, the '''social choice function''' is the function mapping each environment ''S'' of available social states (at least 2) for any ''given'' set of orderings (and corresponding social ordering ''R'') to the '''social choice''' set, the set of social states each [[Element (mathematics)|element]] of which is top-ranked (by ''R'') for that environment and that set of orderings.
The social choice function is denoted '''C(S)'''. Consider an environment that has just 2 social states, ''x'' and ''y'': ''C(S)'' = ''C([x, y])''. Suppose ''x'' is the only top-ranked social state. Then C([''x'', ''y'']) = {''x''}, the ''social choice'' set. If ''x'' and ''y'' are instead tied, ''C([x, y])'' = {''x'', ''y''}. Formally (p. 15), ''C(S)'' is the set of all ''x'' in ''S'' such that, for all ''y'' in ''S'', ''x R y'' ("''x'' is at least as good as ''y''").
The next section invokes the following. Let ''R'' and ''R' '' stand for social orderings of the constitution corresponding to any 2 sets of orderings. If ''R'' and ''R' '' for the same environment ''S'' map to the same social choice(s), the relation of the identical social choices for ''R'' and ''R' ''is represented as: C(''S'') = C'(''S'').
== Conditions and theorem ==<!-- This section is linked from [[Independence of irrelevant alternatives]] -->
A constitution might seem to be a promising alternative to dictatorship and vote-immune social convention or external control. Arrow describes the ''connectedness'' of a social ordering as requiring only that ''some'' social choice be made from any environment of available social states. Since some social state will prevail, this is hard to deny (especially with no place on the ballot for abstention). The ''transitivity'' of a social ordering has an advantage over requiring unanimity (or much less) to change between social states if there is a maladapted ''status quo'' (that is, one subject to "[[path dependence|democratic paralysis]]"). Absent deadlock, transitivity crowds out any reference to the ''status quo'' as a privileged default blocking the path to a social choice (p. 120).
Arrow proposes '''conditions''' to constrain the social ordering(s) of the constitution (pp. 96-97, 25-31). The conditions, presented below, can be interpreted as general, practically necessary, or apparently reasonable.
* 1. '''Universal (unrestricted) domain U''' (subsequently so called): Every logically possible set of orderings maps to its own social ordering.
Each voter is permitted by the constitution to rank the set of social states in any order, though with only one ordering per voter for a given set of orderings.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|Arrow refers to a constitution satisfying this condition as '''collective rationality'''. It can be compared to the '''rationality''' of a voter ordering. But the ''[[Universal prescriptivism|prescription]]'' of collective rationality, which Arrow proposes, is distinct from the descriptive use of a voter ordering, which he deploys. Hence, his denial at the end of the book that collective rationality is "merely an illegitimate transfer from the individual to society." (p. 120)
|}
* 2. '''[[Independence of irrelevant alternatives#IIA in social choice theory|Independence of irrelevant alternatives]] I''': Let ''<math>R_1</math>'', ..., ''<math>R_n</math>'' and ''<math>R_1</math>' '', ..., ''<math>R_n</math>' '' be 2 sets of orderings in the constitution. Let ''S'' be a ''subset'' of hypothetically ''available'' (not merely ''conceivable'') social states, say ''x'' and ''y'', from the set of social states. For each voter ''i'', let the ranking of ''x'' and ''y'' be the same for ''<math>R_i</math>'' and for ''<math>R_i</math>' ''. (Different voters could still have different rankings of the 2 social states.) Then the social orderings for the 2 respective sets of orderings select the same state(s) from the subset as the social choice.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|'''Condition I''': Let ''<math>R_1</math>'', ..., ''<math>R_n</math> '' and ''<math>R_1</math>' '', ..., ''<math>R_n</math>' '' be 2 sets of orderings in the constitution. Let ''S'' be ''any'' subset of hypothetically available social states from the set of social states. For each voter ''i'' and for each pair of ''x'' and ''y'' in ''S'', let ''x <math>R_i</math> y'' if and only if ''x <math>R_i</math>' y''. Then the social choice functions for the 2 respective sets of orderings map to an identical social choice set: ''C(S)'' = ''C'(S)''.
|}
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|This identical mapping happens even with differences in rankings of any voter between the two sets of orderings ''outside that subset'' of social states. Consider a hypothetical “run-off vote” between say only 2 available social states. The social choice is associated with the sets of rankings ''for that subset'', not with rankings of unavailable social states ''beyond the subset''. Thus, that social choice for the subset is unaffected by say a change in orderings only ''beyond'' the subset.
|}Arrow describes this condition as an extension of [[ordinal utility|ordinalism]] with its emphasis on prospectively observable behavior (for the subset in question). He ascribes practical advantage to the condition from "every known electoral system" satisfying it (p. 110)
* 3. The (weak) '''Pareto principle P''': For any ''x'' and ''y'' in the set of social states, if all prefer ''x'' over ''y'', then ''x'' is socially selected over ''y''.'''#'''
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|'''Condition P''': For any ''x'' and ''y'' in the set of social states, if, for every voter ''i'', ''x <math>P_i</math> y'', then ''x P y''.
|}
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|As Sen (ch. 3.4) suggests, Pareto unanimity (with universal domain) overrides ''any'' social convention selecting some social state that is otherwise vote-immune.
|}
The conditions, particularly the second and third, may seem minimal, but jointly they are harsh:
* '''[[Arrow's impossibility theorem|Arrow’s Theorem]]''': The 3 conditions of the constitution imply a '''dictator''' who prevails as to the social choice whatever that individual's preference and those of all else.
An alternate statement of the theorem adds the following condition to the above:
*4. '''Nondictatorship D''': No voter in the society is a dictator. That is, there is no voter ''i'' in the society such that for every set of orderings in the domain of the constitution and every pair of distinct social states ''x'' and ''y'', if voter ''i'' strictly prefers ''x'' over ''y'', ''x'' is socially selected over ''y''.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|'''Condition D''': There is no voter ''i'' in {''1'', ..., ''n''} such that for every set of orderings in the domain of the constitution and every pair of social states ''x'' and ''y'', ''x <math>P_i</math> y'' implies ''x P y''.
|}
*'''[[Arrow's impossibility theorem|Arrow's Theorem]]''': The constitution is '''impossible''', that is, the 4 conditions of a constitution imply a contradiction.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|Each voter has an ordering (by attribution). Yet a set of orderings used as an argument of the voting rule does not carry over to a social ordering, with a corresponding loss of social adaptivity and constitutional generality, whether descriptive or prescriptive.
|}
'''#''' Pareto is stronger than necessary in the proof of the theorem that follows above. Arrow (1951) uses 2 other conditions, instead of Pareto, that with (2) above imply Pareto (Arrow, 1987, p. 126):
* 3a. '''[[Monotonicity]] M''' ('''Positive Association of Individual and Social Values'''), as in Arrow (1987, p. 125): For a given set of orderings with social ordering ''R'', such that state ''x'' is socially preferred to state ''y'', if the preference for ''x'' rises in some individual ordering(s) and falls in none, ''x'' is also socially preferred to ''y'' in the social ordering for the new set of orderings.
Arrow (1951, p.26) describes social welfare here as at least not negatively related to individual preferences.
* 3b. As defined by Arrow (1951, pp. 28-29), an '''imposed constitution''' is a constitution such that for some alternative social states ''x'' and ''y'' and for any set of orderings ''<math>R_1</math>'', ..., ''<math>R_n</math>'' in the domain and corresponding social ordering ''R'', the social ranking is ''x R y''.
:'''Non-imposition N''' ('''Citizens' Sovereignty'''): A constitution is not to be imposed.
Under imposition, for every set of orderings in the domain, the social ranking is only ''x R y''. The vote makes no difference to the outcome.
{| style="border:1px solid #999; text-align:leftcenter; margin: auto;" cellspacing="10"
|For the special case of all preferring ''y'' over ''x'', the vote still makes no difference. If the invariant social ranking applies to only one pair of distinct social states, the constitution would violate '''N'''. In this respect, as a representation of excluding convention, '''N''' is thorough.
|}
==Proof==
The proof is in two parts (Arrow, 1963, pp. 97-100). The first part considers the hypothetical case of some one voter's ordering that ''prevails'' ('is decisive') as to the social choice for ''some'' pair of social states no matter what that voter's preference for the pair, despite all other voters opposing. It is shown that, for a constitution satisfying '''Unrestricted Domain''', '''Pareto''' and '''Independence''', that voter's ordering would prevail for ''every'' pair of social states, no matter what the orderings of others. So, the voter would be a '''Dictator'''. Thus, '''Nondictatorship''' requires postulating that no one would so prevail for even one pair of social states.
The second part considers more generally a set of voters that would prevail for some pair of social states, despite all other voters (if any) preferring otherwise. '''Pareto''' and '''Unrestricted Domain''' for a constitution imply that such a set would at least include the entire set of voters. By '''Nondictatorship''', the set must have at least 2 voters. Among all such sets, postulate a set such that no other set is smaller. Such a set can be constructed with '''Unrestricted Domain''' and an adaptation of the [[voting paradox]] to imply a still smaller set. This contradicts the postulate and so proves the theorem.
== Summary, context, and aftereffects ==
The book proposes some apparently reasonable conditions for a "voting" rule, in particular, a 'constitution', to make consistent, feasible social choices in a [[welfarism|welfarist]] context. But then any constitution that allows dictatorship requires it, and any constitution that requires nondictatorship is contradictory. Hence, the ''paradox of social choice''.
The set of ''conditions'' across different possible votes of ''values'' refined [[welfare economics]] and differentiated Arrow's constitution from the '''pre-Arrow [[social welfare function]]'''. Thus, one dictator ''across every possible vote'' on social alternatives eliminates ''any single'' non-vacuous ordering as the social ordering. It also makes redundant an [[agent (economics)|agent]] or official intent on implementing the values of other''s'' in the society through the constitution. The remaining alternative, nondictatorship, excludes a pre-Arrow social welfare function as a consistent [[voting machine]]. The result generalizes and deepens the [[voting paradox]] to any voting rule satisfying the conditions, however complex or comprehensive.
The 1963 edition includes an additional chapter with a simpler proof of [[Arrow's Theorem]]. It also elaborates on advantages of the conditions and cites studies of Riker ([[William H. Riker#References|1958]]) and Dahl ([[Robert A. Dahl#Bibliography|1956]], pp. 39-41) that as an empirical matter [[intransitivity]] of the voting mechanism may produce unsatisfactory inaction or majority opposition. These support Arrow's characterization of a constitution across possible votes (that is, collective rationality) as "an important attribute of a genuinely democratic system capable of full adaptation to varying environments." (p. 120)
The theorem might seem to have unravelled a skein of behavior-based social-ethical theory from [[invisible hand|Adam Smith]] and [[Jeremy Bentham|Bentham]] on. But Arrow himself expresses hope at the end of his Nobel prize lecture that others might take his result "as a challenge rather than as a discouraging barrier."
The large subsequent literature has included reformulation to extend, weaken, or replace the conditions and derive implications. In this respect Arrow's framework has been an instrument for generalizing [[voting theory]] and critically evaluating and broadening [[economic policy]] and [[social choice theory]].
== See also ==
*[[Arrow's impossibility theorem]]
*[[Kenneth Arrow#Arrow's impossibility theorem|Kenneth Arrow]], Section 1 (the theorem & a distributional difficulty of intransitivity + majority rule)
*[[Abram Bergson]]
*Buchanan and Tullock, [[The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy]]
*[[Independence of irrelevant alternatives]]
*[[Pareto efficiency]], strong and weak
*[[Path dependence]], contrasted in Arrow with path independence, which a social ordering assures
*[[Political argument]]
*[[Public choice theory]]
*[[Social choice theory]]
*[[Social welfare function]]
*[[Utilitarianism]]
*[[Voting paradox]]
*[[Voting system]]
*[[Welfare economics]]
*[[Welfarism]]
*[[JEL classification codes#Microeconomics JEL: D Subcategories|JEL D71]] by scrolling down for Social Choice
==References==
*[[Kenneth Arrow|Kenneth J. Arrow]], 1951, 2nd ed., 1963, ''Social Choice and Individual Values'' ISBN 0-300-01364-7
*_____, 1983, ''Collected Papers of Kenneth J. Arrow'', v. 1, ''Social Choice and Justice'' ISBN 0-674-13760-4
*_____, 1987, “Arrow’s Theorem," ''[[The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics]]'', v. 1, pp. 124-26.
*_____, 2008. "Arrow's theorem." ''[[The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition]] [http://www.dictionaryofeconomics.com/article?id=pde2008_A000136 Abstract.]
*[[Amartya Sen|Amartya K. Sen]], 1970 [1984], ''Collective Choice and Social Welfare'', ch. 1-7.1. {{LCCN|83|0|27163}}. ISBN 0-444-85127-5.
==External links==
* [http://cowles.econ.yale.edu/P/cm/m12-2/index.htm Table of Contents] with links to chapters.
* [http://nobelprize.org/economics/laureates/1972/arrow-lecture.html Link to text] of Nobel prize lecture with Section 8 on the theory and background.
* [http://yalepress.yale.edu/yupbooks/reviews.asp?isbn=9780300013641 Comments] of Frank Hahn, [[Donald G. Saari|Donald Saari]], and Nobelists [[James M. Buchanan]] and [[Douglass North]]./
* [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/economic-justice/ Economic-justice high theory ] with Arrow’s framework, context, and references in Sections 1 & 4.
* James M. Buchanan (1954). ''Social Choice, Democracy, and Free Markets'', ''Journal of Political Economy'', 62(2), p[http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-3808%28195404%2962%3A2%3C114%3ASCDAFM%3E2.0.CO%3B2-H&size=LARGE&origin=JSTOR-enlargePage p. 114]-123.
* I. M. D. Little (1952). "Social Choice and Individual Values," ''Journal of Political Economy'', 60(5) , p[http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0022-3808%28195210%2960%3A5%3C422%3ASCAIV%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q&size=LARGE&origin=JSTOR-enlargePage p. 422]-432.
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