Take Ionescu
738484
211985014
2008-05-12T23:16:28Z
Biruitorul
1399437
+link
{{Infobox_Prime Minister
| name =Take Ionescu
| nationality =[[Romania]]n
| smallimage =
| image =Take 1.jpg
| caption =
| order =[[Prime Minister of Romania]]
| term_start =[[December 18]], [[1921]]
| term_end =[[January 19]], [[1922]]
| vicepresident =
| deputy =
| predecessor =[[Alexandru Averescu]]
| successor =[[Ion I. C. Brătianu]]
| order2 =[[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Affairs Minister of Romania]]
| term_start2 =[[June 13]], [[1920]]
| term_end2 =[[December 16]], [[1921]]
| predecessor2 =[[Duiliu Zamfirescu]]
| successor2 =[[Gheorghe Derussi]]
| birth_date =[[October 25]], [[1858]]
| birth_place =[[Ploieşti]], [[Romania]]
| death_date =[[June 2]], [[1922]]
| death_place =[[Rome]], [[Italy]]
| constituency =
| party =[[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880-1918)|Conservative Party]]<br>[[Conservative-Democratic Party]]
| spouse =Bessie Richards (desc.)<br>Alexandrina Ecaterina Woroniecki (Adina Olmazu)
| profession =lawyer, journalist
| religion =[[Romanian Orthodox Church|Romanian Orthodox]]
| signature =
| footnotes =
|}}
'''Take''' or '''Tache Ionescu''' ({{pronounced|ˈtake joˈnesku}}; born '''Dumitru Ghiţă Ioan''' and also known as '''Demetriu G. Ionnescu'''; {{OldStyleDate|October 25|1858|October 13}}–[[June 2]], [[1922]]) was a [[Romania]]n [[Centrism|centrist]] politician, journalist, lawyer and diplomat, who also enjoyed reputation as a short story author. Starting his political career as a [[Liberalism and radicalism in Romania|radical]] member of the [[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal Party]] (PNL), he joined the [[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880-1918)|Conservative Party]] in 1891, and became noted as a [[Social conservatism|social conservative]] expressing support for several [[Progressivism|progressive]] and [[Nationalism|nationalist]] tenets. Ionescu is generally viewed as embodying the rise of [[middle-class]] politics inside the early 20th century [[Kingdom of Romania]] (occasionally described as ''Takism''), and, throughout the period, promoted a project of [[Balkans|Balkan]] alliances while calling for measures to incorporate the [[Austria-Hungary|Austro-Hungarian]] regions of [[Transylvania]], [[Banat]] and [[Bukovina]]. Representing his own faction inside the Conservative Party, he clashed with the group's leadership in 1907-1908, and consequently created and led his own [[Conservative-Democratic Party]].
An [[Anglophile]] promoting an alliance with the [[Triple Entente]], he rallied politicians and intellectuals in support for the idea, and called for Romania to enter [[World War I]]. When this was accomplished though the [[Romanian Campaign (World War I)|1916-1918 campaign]], Ionescu joined the [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]] government in [[Iaşi]] as [[Minister without portfolio]]. After his country was defeated by the [[Central Powers]] and signed the [[Treaty of Bucharest, 1918|Treaty of Bucharest]], he left for [[Paris]] and [[London]], organizing a Romanian National Committee to campaign for [[Greater Romania]] during the [[Paris Peace Conference, 1919|Peace Conference]]. In 1919, his Conservative-Democrats formed an alliance with the [[People's Party (interwar Romania)|People's League]], and Ionescu became [[List of Romanian Foreign Ministers|Foreign Affairs Minister]] in the second [[Alexandru Averescu]] executive, before briefly holding the office of [[Prime Minister of Romania|Premier]] in 1921-1922. During the period, he successfully campaigned in favor of the [[Little Entente]].
He was the brother of renowned surgeon and political activist [[Thoma Ionescu]], who was his collaborator on several political projects. Take Ionescu is also remembered for promoting [[Nicolae Titulescu]], who went on to have a successful career as a diplomat and politician, and for his friendships with the dramatist [[Ion Luca Caragiale]] and the [[Kingdom of Greece|Greek]] politician [[Eleftherios Venizelos]].
==Biography==
===Early life and politics===
Born in [[Ploieşti]] into a family of [[lower middle class]] origins, the eldest of four male children, he was the son of Ghiţă Ioan, an entrepreneur who was facing insolvency, and his wife Eufrosina (or Frosa).<ref name="dobrinunom">{{ro icon}} Marius Dobrin, [http://www.respiro.org/Issue6/eseu_dobrin.htm "Take Ionescu - un mare democrat, un mare european. Un om" ("Take Ionescu - a Great Democrat, a Great European. A Man"), in ''Respiro'']</ref><ref name="xeni">[[Constantin Xeni]], "Portrete politice din anii interbelici" ("Political Portraits from the Interwar Years"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', April 1975, p.53-57</ref> Eufrosina was the descendant of [[Aromanians|Aromanian]] immigrants, and related to the [[Wallachia]]n writer [[Ion Heliade Rădulescu]].<ref name="dobrinunom"/>
During Take's childhood, the family moved to [[Bucharest]] and later to [[Giurgiu]], where Ghiţă Ioan began to accumulate a fortune after leasing a segment of the [[customs]] in the city.<ref name="dobrinunom"/><ref name="xeni"/> This allowed him to send his sons to study abroad; after entering the [[Saint Sava National College|Saint Sava High School]] with a [[scholarship]] and graduating with honors, Take Ionescu (as he became known in his student days)<ref name="dobrinunom"/> entered the [[University of Paris]] and took a [[PhD]] in Law, attending courses together with, among others, the future politicians [[Raymond Poincaré]], [[Constantin Dissescu]], [[Constantin Arion]], [[Grigore Andronescu]], [[Alexandru Djuvara]], and [[Alexandru Marghiloman]].<ref name="dobrinunom"/><ref name="xeni"/> During his high school years, he began contributing to literary magazines and authoring works of verse and especially short stories influenced by the style of [[Gérard de Nerval]]<ref name="dobrinunom"/> and including the [[time travel]] story ''Spiritele anului 3000'' ("The Spirits of the Year 3000").<ref name="fmsf">Florin Manolescu, ''Literatura S.F.'' ("Science Fiction Literature"), [[Editura Univers]], Bucharest, 1980, p.192. {{OCLC|7174578}}</ref>
While in [[Paris]], Ionescu fell in love with an [[England|Englishwoman]] named Bessie Richards, whom he met a charity event, and to whom he dedicated his PhD thesis (''La recherche de la paternité naturelle'', "Research into Natural Parenthood").<ref name="dobrinunom"/> After consulting international law on the matter of marriage, he decided it was best if he were to marry her in [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland|Britain]].<ref name="dobrinunom"/> They sealed their union in a [[common law marriage]] in [[Brighton]], and later through an [[Eastern Orthodoxy|Eastern Orthodox]] religious ceremony in [[London]] (November 1881).<ref name="dobrinunom"/> The couple were to settle in Bucharest, but made frequent visits to Bessie's native country for the rest of her life.<ref name="dobrinunom"/>
Upon his return, he opened a highly successful law practice on Bucharest's Costa-Foru Street (later known as Atena Street), and frequently traveled to various areas of the country in order to plead in various cases.<ref name="dobrinunom"/><ref name="xeni"/> His oratorical talent won him the moniker ''Tăkiţă gură de aur'', "Tăkiţă the golden mouthed", based on a pet form of his colloquial name and the title commonly associated with eloquence (''see [[John Chrysostom]]'').<ref name="lacusta">Ioan Lăcustă, "Take Ionescu, din neuitare" ("Take Ionescu, from Memory"), in ''[[România Literară]]'', nr.33, August 1998 (available through the [http://www.romaniaculturala.ro/Pages/CronicaDeCarte.aspx "Cronică de carte" page at the ''România Culturală'' site])</ref><ref name="xeni"/> He became President of the [[Bar association]] in [[Ilfov County]] (at a time when it included Bucharest), in which capacity he welcomed the first-ever Romanian woman lawyer, [[Sarmiza Bilcescu]] (1891).<ref>Alin Ciupală, ''Femeia în societatea românească a secolului al XIX-lea'' ("Women in 19th Century Romanian Society"), [[Editura Meridiane]], Bucharest, 2003, p.59</ref>
Originally a member of the [[National Liberal Party (Romania)|National Liberal Party]] (PNL), he was attracted to its [[Liberalism and radicalism in Romania|Radical]] wing (led by [[C. A. Rosetti]]),<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> wrote extensively for the Liberal newspaper ''[[Românul]]'', and became a PNL representative in the [[Chamber of Deputies of Romania|Chamber of Deputies]] following the [[Romanian general election, 1884|1884 election]].<ref name="arimiasimidan">Vasile Arimia and Vasile Şimandan, forward to [[Constantin Xeni]], "Portrete politice din anii interbelici" ("Political Portraits from the Interwar Years"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', April 1975, p.52-53</ref><ref name="dobrinunompolitic">{{ro icon}} Marius Dobrin, [http://www.respiro.org/Issue6/eseu_dobrin.htm "Take Ionescu - un mare democrat, un mare european. Un om politic" ("Take Ionescu - a Great Democrat, a Great European. A Politician"), in ''Respiro'']</ref><ref name="xeni"/> One year later, while still in office, he left the PNL — this came at a time when opposition forces rallied against the policies of [[List of Prime Ministers of Romania|Premier]] [[Ion Brătianu]], whom Ionescu had originally supported.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> Initially running as an independent in the [[Romanian general election, 1888|election of 1888]], being elected in [[Craiova]],<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> he switched to [[Conservatism|conservative]] politics (generally associated with the landowner circles), and joined the [[Conservative Party (Romania, 1880-1918)|Conservative Party]] in 1891.<ref name="arimiasimidan"/><ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/>
===First ministerial positions and birth of Takism===
A leading figure of the Conservatives for the following years, he held several ministerial positions after 1891: he was [[Ministry of Education, Research and Youth (Romania)|Minister of Religious Affairs and Education]] in the [[Lascăr Catargiu]] cabinet (1891-1895) and again under [[Gheorghe Grigore Cantacuzino]] (April 1899-January 1900), as well as [[Ministry of Public Finance (Romania)|Minister of Finance]] (January-July 1900; 1904-1907) in both Cantacuzino cabinets.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/><ref name="rompres">{{ro icon}} [http://documentare.rompres.ro/guverne.php Romanian cabinets], at the [[Rompres]] site</ref><ref name="arimiasimidan"/> A supposed [[Atheism|atheist]], he was criticized by the opposition for favoring an increased role for the [[Romanian Orthodox Church]], and replied that it was a matter for his own conscience.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> During the period, he befriended the notorious and independent-minded dramatist [[Ion Luca Caragiale]], who later supported his dissident politics.<ref name="vianu">[[Tudor Vianu]], ''Scriitori români'' ("Romanian Writers"), Vol. II, [[Editura Minerva]], Bucharest, 1971, p.78, 187, 190</ref>
From 1898, he began issuing the [[French language|French-language]] newspaper ''[[La Roumanie]]'',<ref name="giurescu">[[Constantin C. Giurescu]], ''Istoria Bucureştilor. Din cele mai vechi timpuri pînă în zilele noastre'' ("History of Bucharest. From the Earliest Times until Our Day"), [[Editura Pentru Literatură]], Bucharest, 1966, p.171, 174-175, 185, 313</ref><ref name="xeni"/> through which he publicized his own program, commonly referred to as ''Takism''.<ref name="giurescu"/> At the time, contrary to the more cautious policies of his party, he began voicing full support for incorporating [[Transylvania]], a region largely inhabited by [[Romanians]] and ruled by [[Austria-Hungary]], into the [[Kingdom of Romania]]; he even made a symbolic conquest by financing the building of a road in the vicinity of [[Buşteni]], on the [[Transleithania]]n side of the border.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> Initially, he welcomed the idea of Romania itself entering the [[Habsburg Monarchy]] in a [[Federalism|federalist]] project (''see [[United States of Greater Austria]]''), as a means to solve the nationality issue,<ref name="edrc">{{ro icon}} [http://www.edrc.ro/docs/docs/transilvania/114-154.pdf ''Proiecte transilvane ca răspuns la crizele internaţionale de la începutul veacului XX'' ("Transylvanian Projects as an Answer to Early 20th Century International Crises"), at the Resource Center for Ethno-cultural Diversity], p.126</ref> but eventually came to oppose it; in a conversation with the PNL's [[Constantin Stere]], who continued to support the idea, Ionescu declared: "instead of a foreign minister in [[Vienna]], if Romania should join the Habsburgs, I would rather become a waiter in [[Chicago]]!".<ref name="edrc"/>
He contemplated a future [[Balkan federalism|Balkan federation]], and in a 1903 interview, argued that, although such a solution was "impossible for the moment", it "could perhaps be accomplished some day".<ref>{{fr icon}} [http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/17543 ''Une Confédération Orientale comme solution de la Question d'Orient'' ("An Oriental Federation as an Answer to the Oriental Question")], 1905 article signed by "Un latin" (available for download at [[Project Gutenberg]])</ref> Additionally, Ionescu supported the [[Vlachs|Vlach]] cause in the [[Ottoman Empire|Ottoman]]-ruled regions of the Balkans, and supported the recognition of a "[[Aromanians|Kutzovlach ethnicity]]".<ref name="dobrinunomdestat">{{ro icon}} Marius Dobrin, [http://www.respiro.org/Issue6/eseu_dobrin.htm "Take Ionescu - un mare democrat, un mare european. Un om de stat" ("Take Ionescu - a Great Democrat, a Great European. A Statesman"), in ''Respiro'']</ref> In this last instance, he caused a diplomatic incident when, during a 1905 official trip to [[Istanbul]], he attempted to present [[Ottoman Dynasty|Sultan]] [[Abdul Hamid II]] with such a project and was denied an audience — consequently refusing to be presented with an Ottoman decoration, he was ultimately received and his report was reviewed by the [[Porte]].<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/>
===1907 Peasants' Revolt===
He sided with the Conservative [[Nicolae Filipescu]], who shared his views on the issue of Transylvania, and provoked a conflict within his grouping at a time when the PNL was strengthening itself by incorporating a large part of the [[Romanian Social Democratic Workers' Party]].<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> Around 1907, seeking party leadership, he came to oppose the other main Conservative leaders Cantacuzino and [[Petre P. Carp]]<ref name="bulei">{{ro icon}} Ion Bulei, [http://www.zf.ro/articol_112292/rascoala_de_la_1907_in_parlament.html "Răscoala de la 1907 în Parlament" ("The 1907 Revolt in Parliament")], in ''[[Ziarul Financiar]]'', [[February 16]], [[2007]]</ref><ref name="cernea"/><ref name="galceava">{{ro icon}} Florin Mihai, Ilarion Ţiu, [http://www.jurnalul.ro/articol_71822/galceava_politica_la_inceput_de_secol_xx.html "Gâlceava politică la început de secol XX" ("The Early 20th Century Political Raffle")], in ''[[Jurnalul Naţional]]'', [[February 8]], [[2007]]</ref><ref name="ornea1">[[Z. Ornea]], ''Viaţa lui C. Stere'' ("The Life of C. Stere"), Vol. I, [[Cartea Românească]], Bucharest, 1989, p.399-404, 429, 445, 447-448, 451, 471-472, 514, 526-528, 531-532, 554-565</ref> — the latter represented the party's ''[[Junimea]]'' faction, which had just re-entered the main Conservative Party after an independent existence under the name of ''Constitutional Party''; Ionescu also repeatedly clashed with the other Constitutional leader, the influential literary critic [[Titu Maiorescu]].<ref name="esimion">{{ro icon}} [[Eugen Simion]], [http://www.ziua.net/display.php?id=199990&data=2006-05-20&ziua=5d7e9ae273627914ae4f74577c9791e2 "Take Ionescu, memorialistul" ("Take Ionescu, the Memoirist")], in ''[[Ziua]]'', [[May 20]], [[2006]]</ref> [[Constantin Xeni]], his future collaborator, argued that "the [[boyar]] wing of [the Conservative Party] had made life impossible for this son of an obscure [[bourgeois]] from Ploieşti".<ref name="xeni"/>
Despite such differences in opinion, Ionescu initially stood by the Conservative establishment during the [[1907 Romanian Peasants' Revolt|Peasants' Revolt of 1907]].<ref name="cernea">{{ro icon}} Emil Cernea, [http://www.unibuc.ro/eBooks/istorie/cernea/cuprins.htm ''Criza dreptului în România'' ("The Crisis of Law in Romania")], Part I (Chapter II), Part II (Chapters III, IV)</ref> He held up [[Leasehold estate|estate leaseholders]] as a productive [[social class]] (arguing that, unlike peasants, "[they] do not consume their own income"),<ref name="cernea"/> and approved of repressive measures to the point where he initiated the decision taken by his cabinet to resign, to be replaced by that of the PNL's [[Dimitrie Sturdza]].<ref name="bulei"/><ref name="cernea"/><ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/><ref name="ornea1"/> This was also prompted by his fears that Carp and Cantacuzino were going to use his ministry's problems as a means to undermine his political support.<ref name="bulei"/><ref name="ornea1"/> During the events, he questioned traditional Conservative stances, stressing that there existed a large gap between the ruling class and the mass of the people.<ref name="bulei"/>
Identifying him as the person behind his return to power, Sturdza publicly thanked Ionescu during his investiture ceremony, to the enthusiasm of the Chamber.<ref name="bulei"/><ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> With 33 other politicians from both political camps (among them Carp, [[Constantin Stere]], [[Gheorghe Gh. Mârzescu]], [[Ion G. Duca]], [[Alexandru Djuvara]], [[Constantin Alimănişteanu]], [[Ion Radovici|Ion]] and [[Alexandru G. Radovici]], [[Dinu Brătianu|Dinu]] and [[Vintilă Brătianu]]), he was a member of a short-lived Parliamentary Committee charged with finding a solution to the agrarian issue; created in June, it was dissolved by the cabinet later in the same month.<ref name="ornea1"/> Soon after this, Sturdza and Ionescu engaged in a publicized argument, with Sturdza accusing him of having provoked the revolt through excessive taxation;<ref name="galceava"/> reacting to this allegation, Ionescu rested the blame with [[Antisemitism|Antisemites]] inciting public sentiment against [[History of the Jews in Romania|Jewish]] leaseholders, and with a wider network of agitators.<ref name="galceava"/> In addition, he virulently opposed PNL legislation that imposed a [[minimum wage]] for work on estates, a maximum income for leaseholders, and set aside grazing land for [[Commune in Romania|communal]] ownership.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/><ref name="ornea1"/> He argued that such demands went against regulations on the [[free market]] and property.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/><ref name="ornea1"/> When a compromise was eventually reached regarding land prices and the land which was available for leasing to anyone other than communes, he defended it in front of opposition from within his own party,<ref name="ornea1"/> while pointing out ways in which professional leaseholders could avoid the letter of the law.<ref name="cernea"/> Additionally, one of Ionescu's proposals, regarding the establishment of an agricultural bank ([[Casa Rurală]]) won support from both parties.<ref name="ornea1"/>
===Split with the Conservatives===
He broke away from the Conservative Party and founded the [[Conservative-Democratic Party]] (''Partidul Conservator-Democrat'', PCD) in early 1908.<ref name="calafeteanu">{{ro icon}} Ion Calafeteanu, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi2001/current7/mi10.htm "Titulescu către Take Ionescu: «Ne iubim, ne stimăm, dar nu ne înţelegem»" ("Titulescu to Take Ionescu: «We Love Each Other, We Hold Each Other in Esteem, but We Do Not Agree»")], in ''Magazin Istoric''</ref><ref name="giurescu"/> This followed a move by mainstream Conservatives to marginalize the pro-Ionescu faction.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> The Takists organized themselves at a congress in Bucharest in February of that year and, especially through their section in the capital, were successful in several consecutive elections.<ref name="giurescu"/><ref name="ornea1"/>
Upon the separation, Ionescu stated: "I have the deep conviction that Romania needs a conservative party, [[Democracy|democratic]] in its makeup, [[Progressivism|progressive]] in its tendencies, but firmly representing the ideas of [[Social conservatism|social conservation]]. This party must be strong, in order to form a counterbalance to the [[Left-wing politics|Left]], which, fatally and as indicated by the times, will move more and more to the Left".<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> He stressed his principles in opposing [[Socialism]], indicating that he mistrusted its ability to reconcile with "maintaining freedom".<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/> Additionally, Ionescu made mention of reforming the census suffrage enshrined in the [[1866 Constitution of Romania|1866 Constitution]], and expressed support for a single [[electoral college]] to replace the three wealth-based ones in existence at the time.<ref name="ornea1"/>
The PCD was soon joined by [[Ion Luca Caragiale]],<ref name="esimion"/><ref name="vianu"/> who characterized Take Ionescu as "An indefatigable and wise [[Patriotism|patriot]]",<ref name="arimiasimidan"/> by the future diplomat [[Nicolae Titulescu]],<ref name="arghezidinzilele">[[Tudor Arghezi]], "Din zilele lui Luchian" ("From Luchian's Day", 1939), in ''Scrieri. Proze'' ("Writings. Prose"), [[Editura Minerva]], Bucharest, 1985, p.617-618</ref><ref name="calafeteanu"/><ref name="scurtuprab">{{ro icon}} Ioan Scurtu, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi2000/current3/mi24.htm "Prăbuşirea unui mit" ("A Myth's Crumbling")], in ''Magazin Istoric''</ref> by the doctor [[Constantin Istrati]], the writer [[Barbu Ştefănescu-Delavrancea]], the journalist [[Nicolae Xenopol]], the former mayor of [[Iaşi]] [[Gheorghe Lascăr]], the landowners [[Constantin Cantacuzino Paşcanu]] and [[Alexandru Bădărău]],<ref name="ornea1"/> as well as by Xeni, who left a eulogistic account of his mentor.<ref name="arimiasimidan"/> It became the target of attacks from both the PNL and the Conservatives, and was faced with the reticence of [[King of Romania|King]] [[Carol I of Romania|Carol I]].<ref name="ornea1"/><ref name="xeni"/> Nevertheless, Xeni contended, the new grouping profited from Ionescu's popularity with the lower strata of Romanian society, being identified as "one of their own".<ref name="xeni"/> In this version of events, mainstream politicians allegedly convinced Carol that the PCD had an agenda to depose the ruling [[House of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen]], and had depicted Ionescu as "a «[[Beelzebub|Belzebuth]]» who was supposed to be removed from public life".<ref name="xeni"/>
The PNL notably accused the Conservative-Democrats of having been instigated and financed by [[Mochi Fischer]], one of the main leaseholders, whose land in [[Flămânzi]] had been the original center of agitation during the 1907 events.<ref name="ornea1"/> Among the points of contention between the PCD and the PNL were the 1908 expulsion of the socialist activist and ''[[România Muncitoare]]'' leader [[Christian Rakovsky]] (based on an order which the PCD considered illegal) and the unsuccessful 1909 reform advanced by [[Ministry of Education, Research and Youth (Romania)|Minister of Education]] [[Spiru Haret]] (which, among other things, prevented academics who taught Law from practicing, and created new university chairs, raising suspicions that these had been purposely designed to accommodate PNL members).<ref name="ornea1"/>
At the time, he became notorious as an [[Anglophile]], and according to Xeni, adopted [[United Kingdom|British]] manners in his private life, while being one of the few speakers of impeccable English in his country.<ref name="xeni"/> As a model for his own party, Take Ionescu cited the British precedent set by [[Lord Randolph Churchill]] and his ''[[Tory democracy]]''.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/>
===Maiorescu government and the Balkan Wars===
In late 1911, the PCD began talks for an alliance with the National Liberals, directed at the second Carp government, and opposed by King Carol (as it threatened to draw support for constitutional changes).<ref name="ornea1"/> Repeatedly calling on Carp to include PCD ministers in his executive, Ionescu sided with Brătianu in May 1911, during the scandal erupting over Bucharest's [[tram system]] (when the Conservatives uncovered that the former [[Mayor of Bucharest]], [[Vintilă Brătianu]], for having contracted some of his fellow Liberals to complete the work in question).<ref name="ornea1"/> The matter escalated when Carp faced Parliament with a proposal for legislative changes, and publicly questioned Ion I. C. Brătianu's morality.<ref name="ornea1"/> The conflict prolonged itself over the following months, and ended with the fall of the Carp government and its replacement with a transitional one, headed by Maiorescu.<ref name="ornea1"/>
Eventually, in October 1912, Ionescu aided in the creation of a new executive comprising several Conservative tendencies and also led by Maiorescu, serving as [[List of Romanian Ministers of the Interior|Minister of Internal Affairs]] until December 1913.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="giurescu"/><ref name="rompres"/> Before Romania intervened in the [[Second Balkan War]] and annexed [[Southern Dobruja]], Ionescu attempted to persuade [[Kingdom of Bulgaria|Bulgarian]] politician [[Stoyan Danev]] to accept ceding the region as compensation for incorporating [[Aromanians|Aromanian]]-inhabited territories.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> Later, he reviewed tentative proposals for Romania to occupy Bulgaria itself, and rejected them outright.<ref name="esimion"/> Ionescu continued to advise caution in respect to his country's policies in the [[Balkans]], and argued that Romania should not offend any of the three other kingdoms in the region (Bulgaria, [[Kingdom of Greece|Greece]], and [[Kingdom of Serbia|Serbia]]).<ref name="esimion"/> Xeni argued that, In Ionescu's view, the [[Balkan Wars]] announced a conflict on a much larger scale.<ref name="xeni"/>
[[Image:Furnicatakeionescu.jpeg|thumb|220px|The fall of the [[Titu Maiorescu]] executive in 1914, cover of ''[[Furnica]]'' magazine. [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]] and his ministers look on as Maiorescu plunges downstairs; the caption reads "Dear Titu, don't forget to give our compliments to Tăkiţă!"]]
His attitude on Balkan issues brought him the friendship of Greek [[List of Prime Ministers of Greece|Premier]] [[Eleftherios Venizelos]].<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="esimion"/> In November 1913, Ionescu left for [[Athens]] with King Carol's approval, mediating between the Ottoman envoy [[Mehmed Talat Pasha]], a member of the [[Young Turks]], and the Greek executive.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> He was received in triumph, and managed to seal a deal between the two states, receiving in return public thanks from both governments, as well as the honorary citizenship of [[Athens]].<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> Since the treaty was disadvantageous to defeated Bulgaria, Ionescu was allegedly the target of an assassination attempt (reportedly foiled by an ethnic Aromanian).<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/>
By early 1914, Ionescu became involved in a prolonged discussion with [[Luigi Luzzatti]], former [[Prime minister of Italy|Prime Minister]] of [[Italy]], who asked Romania to review its policies and allow [[Jewish Emancipation]] (''see [[History of the Jews in Romania]]'').<ref name="buleipolitici">{{it icon}} Ion Bulei, [http://www.geocities.com/serban_marin/bulei2002.html ''Politici italiani e romeni in corispondenza tra 1913-1923'' ("Italian and Romanian Politicians in Correspondence between 1913 and 1923")]</ref> He ultimately promised Luzzatti that all Jewish veterans of the Second Balkan War were going to be awarded Romanian citizenship, but the policy was overturned by the PNL's [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]] executive, coming to power in January 1914.<ref name="buleipolitici"/>
===Outbreak of World War I===
In late summer 1914, while traveling back from [[London]] and receiving news of [[World War I]] having erupted, Ionescu made a series of highly-accurate predictions — he theorized that Italy, the [[United States]], [[Japan]] and Romania itself were to be dragged into the conflict, that the Central Powers were to be initially victorious, and that, after a series of setbacks, "we shall get to see [[Greater Romania]] with our own eyes".<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="xeni"/> Reportedly, he also foretold a worldwide rise in support for [[left-wing]] causes.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="xeni"/>
Ionescu initially supported Romania's neutrality.<ref name="argheziesprit">[[Tudor Arghezi]], "L'Esprit de l'escalier" (1914), in ''Scrieri. Proze'' ("Writings. Prose"), [[Editura Minerva]], Bucharest, 1985, p.98-100</ref> Nevertheless, unlike the main Conservative group, his PCD soon began intense advocacy of joining the war effort against the [[Central Powers]], calling for Romania to incorporate the [[Austria-Hungary|Austro-Hungarian]]-ruled regions of [[Transylvania]], [[Banat]], and [[Bukovina]]<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="esimion"/><ref name="xeni"/> (Ionescu argued that Romania could not exist unless "we are straddling the [[Carpathian Mountains|Carpathians]]").<ref name="esimion"/> Defining the Austrian monarchy as "a sad nothingness", Ionescu expressed his opinion that the [[German Empire]], Austria-Hungary's main ally, was gripped by the influence of [[Prussia]]n "[[corporal]]ism".<ref name="esimion"/> Xeni recounted that Ionescu had displayed a degree of sympathy with King Carol's position, contending that the monarch was not entirely opposed to joining the Entente in its war effort.<ref name="esimion"/>
According to one of the PCD's main opponents, the writer and journalist [[Tudor Arghezi]], Ionescu changed his priorities on the very day King Carol convoked a [[Crown Council]] which confirmed neutrality policies ([[August 3]], [[1914]]).<ref name="argheziesprit"/> In this version of events, the Conservative Democrat commented upon the necessity of supporting the [[Triple Entente|Entente Powers]] just as he was leaving [[Peleş Castle]];<ref name="argheziesprit"/> Arghezi commented with irony that: "before reaching the street, Mr. Take Ionescu had reviewed his ideas several times. [...] It would seem that Mr. Take Ionescu's ideas are [[Stillbirth|stillborn]], just like premature babies, born before their time and dead before having an age".<ref name="argheziesprit"/> He also expressed a view that the new policy was "[[demagogy]]", intended to bring the PCD into government ("Let all perish, as long as Mr. Take Ionescu succeeds!"), and contrasted Ionescu's claim to represent popular interest with his refusal to accept [[land reform]] and [[universal suffrage]].<ref name="argheziesprit"/>
Similar views were expressed by the notorious [[Socialism|socialist]] and [[Zimmerwald Conference|Zimmerwald pacifist]] [[Christian Rakovsky]], leader of the [[Romanian Social Democratic Party (defunct)|Romanian Social Democratic Party]]. Writing to his main collaborator [[Leon Trotsky]] in May 1915, he accused Ionescu of "making a political principle out of venality", and of being "a man of vulgar ambitions and unmeasurable vanity, a politician of no faith, no convictions, who considers political programs to be each a cause to plead".<ref name="rakovsky">{{fr icon}} [[Christian Rakovsky]], [http://www.marxists.org/francais/rakovsky/works/soc_guerre/reponse.htm ''Les socialistes et la guerre'' ("The Socialists and War")], at the [[Marxists Internet Archive]]</ref> Contending that Take Ionescu aimed to be "on all occasions, on the winning side, courting people in power", Rakovsky believed that his support for the Entente was conjectural: "Until yesterday, [he] was the man who continuously tied friendships with the Germans [...]. Anticipating victory for the [[Allies of World War I|Allies]], [he] has now become their man, and, finding it difficult to return to his old sympathies, he threatens that, in case [[Russian Empire|Russia]] were to fail, he would expatriate himself to [[United States|America]], the Romanian people having lost, in the eyes of such a «[[Patriotism|patriot]]», all interest once he would no longer have the hope of returning to power".<ref name="rakovsky"/> On the other side of the political spectrum, Ionescu remained at odds with the Conservative leader [[Petre P. Carp]]; in 1915, referring to his policies, Carp remarked: "Talent does not justify all avatars, just as beauty does not justify all forms of prostitution".<ref name="vianu"/>
Seeking a settlement with [[Hungary]] over the territorial issue, Ionescu traveled to [[Budapest]] on one occasion, meeting with [[Miklós Bánffy]]: vehemently stating his goal of incorporating the regions into the [[Kingdom of Romania]], he was answered that Austria-Hungary intended to extend its influence to the [[Black Sea]] (Ionescu recounted: "we agreed that we could never agree").<ref name="esimion"/> Ionescu kept close contacts with Entente politicians, and notably with the prominent [[France|French]] [[Republican, Radical and Radical-Socialist Party|Radical-Socialist]] [[Georges Clemenceau]], who described him as "a great European, albeit Romanian down to his marrow, having for his country the highest and most legitimate of ambitions".<ref name="arimiasimidan"/> At the time, he deplored [[Eleftherios Venizelos]]' deposition from the office of [[List of Prime Ministers of Greece|Prime Minister]] (October 1915).<ref name="esimion"/>
===1916===
Following Carol's death and [[Ferdinand I of Romania|Ferdinand I]]'s ascension to the throne, his pro-Entente activism intensified. He was at the forefront of a major grouping of various public figures who, despite differences in politics, supported an alliance with France and [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland|Britain]], including [[Nicolae Filipescu]], [[Constantin Istrati]], [[Octavian Goga]], [[Vasile Lucaci]], [[Barbu Ştefănescu-Delavrancea]], [[Nicolae Iorga]], [[Simion Mândrescu]], [[Ioan Cantacuzino]], [[Nicolae Xenopol]], [[N. D. Cocea]], [[Constantin Mille]], as well as Take Ionescu's brother Thoma.<ref name="buleistefan">Ion Bulei, Marian Ştefan, foreword to [[Ion G. Duca|I. G. Duca]], "România în pragul primului război mondial" ("Romania on the Threshold of World War I"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', August 1976, p.33</ref><ref name="igduca">[[Ion G. Duca|I. G. Duca]], "România în pragul primului război mondial" ("Romania on the Threshold of World War I"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', August 1976, p.34-35</ref><ref name="giurescu"/><ref name="gogadinzilele">{{ro icon}} [[Octavian Goga]], [http://www.memoria.ro/?location=view_article&id=727 "Din zilele Războiului nostru (I)" ("From the Days of Our War (I)"), at memoria.ro]</ref> Their adversary [[Christian Rakovsky]] accused Mille, a former socialist, of using his two dailies, ''[[Adevărul]]'' and ''[[Dimineaţa]]'', as venues for Takist propaganda, and claimed that this was accomplished "under the mask of independence" (additionally, he stated: "[Ionescu] thus compensated for the weakness of his party, both in men and ideas, through corrupting the press").<ref name="rakovsky"/>
In late 1915, Ionescu and most like-minded activists formed a body known as ''Acţiunea Naţională'' ("National Action")<ref name="buleistefan"/> or ''Federaţia unionistă'' ("Unionist Federation").<ref name="gogadinzilele"/> It found relative support from the new monarch, but his policies were rejected by the PNL cabinet of [[Ion I. C. Brătianu]] — although the latter force supported the Entente, it decided not to enter the war until the Entente powers were to recognize Romanian rule in Transylvania, Bukovina, and the Banat, as well as provide the country with military assistance.<ref name="bonsal">[[Stephen Bonsal]], [http://www.hungarian-history.hu/lib/bonsal/bonsal.pdf ''Suitors and Suppliants: The Little Nations at Versailles''], Simon Publications, 2001, at the [[National Széchényi Library]] site, p.178, 204, 206</ref><ref name="buleistefan"/><ref name="igduca"/> In contrast, Ionescu's attitude, as paraphrased by [[Stephen Bonsal]], was: "Our rôle is that of an unconditional ally of the democracies. We must not drive a bargain. We should and can rely on the appreciation of our allies when the victory is won".<ref name="bonsal"/>
According to the PNL's [[Ion G. Duca]], Brătianu, who was the main target of ''Acţiunea Naţională'''s criticism, "wrapped himself in an atmosphere of silence and played the [[sphinx]]".<ref name="igduca"/> With Thoma Ionescu, [[Rector]] of the [[University of Bucharest]], campaigning among academics,<ref name="igduca"/> and with Take Ionescu maintaining contacts with the PNL minister [[Alexandru Constantinescu-Porcu]],<ref name="igduca"/> the Entente supporters were becoming increasingly influential by 1915.<ref name="igduca"/> In late 1914, they successfully replaced the leadership of the [[Cultural League (Romania)|Cultural League]] with a panel of ''Acţiunea Naţională'' members.<ref name="buleistefan"/><ref name="igduca"/>
[[Image:WWI Poster Rumania.jpg|thumb|220px|''Romania's Day'', a [[United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland|British]] 1916 poster based on a ''[[Punch (magazine)|Punch]]'' cartoon, welcoming Romania's decision to enter the war (depicting an allegoric debate between [[German Empire|German]] [[List of German monarchs|Emperor]] [[William II, German Emperor|William II]] and Romania's [[Ferdinand I of Romania|Ferdinand I]])]]
Eventually, after the [[Treaty of Bucharest, 1916|Bucharest agreement]] was sealed, recognizing Romanian demands in front of the Entente, Brătianu approved of entering the conflict and agreed to declare war on the Central powers. On [[August 7]], [[1916]], the matter was communicated to political leaders in a [[Crown Council]] held at [[Cotroceni Palace]] in Bucharest; Ionescu, who was visiting [[Sinaia]] together with the [[United States|American]] military ''[[attaché]]'' [[Halsey E. Yates]], rushed back to the capital after being invited by Constantinescu-Porcu.<ref name="takeionescu">Take Ionescu, "14/27 august 1916: Consiliul de Coroană de la Cotroceni" ("14/27 August 1916: The Crown Concil of Cotroceni"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', June 1973, p.39-45 (notes by M. Şt.)</ref> Being advised to maintain secrecy over the proceedings, he hid the reasons for his return by starting a rumor that the outbreak of [[typhoid fever]] in Sinaia had gotten out of control.<ref name="takeionescu"/>
Other politicians attending the Council included several government ministers (Brătianu, Duca, Constantinescu-Porcu, [[Vasile Morţun]], [[Emil Costinescu]], [[Alexandru G. Radovici]], [[Emanoil Porumbaru]], [[Victor Antonescu]], [[Constantin Anghelescu]]), [[Parliament of Romania|Parliamentary]] leaders ([[Mihail Pherekyde]], [[Constantin Robescu]]), former premiers ([[Titu Maiorescu]], [[Theodor Rosetti]], and [[Petre P. Carp]]), other party leaders ([[Nicolae Filipescu]] and [[Alexandru Marghiloman]]) and former Chamber presidents ([[Constantin Olănescu]] and [[Constantin Cantacuzino Paşcanu]]).<ref name="takeionescu"/> Conservatives present voiced their disapproval, with Maiorescu as the most vocal opponent: Maiorescu and Brătianu notably engaged in a separate debate about whether Transylvanians had called on Romania to intervene — the former argued that no such call had been voiced, while Brătianu contended that he had support from over the border (Ionescu seconded this claim).<ref name="takeionescu"/>
As most of the political leaders present at te meeting approved of the change in policy, Carp gave a short speech in which he refused to back Ferdinand's decision and wished "for Your Majesty's armies to be defeated", although commenting that he would "give Your Majesty my four sons, because Romanians are brave in the military".<ref name="takeionescu"/> In a private conversation with Premier Brătianu, Take Ionescu contended that "[Carp] is [[Shakespearean tragedy|Shakespearean]] in his error. He does not surprise me, given that I never took him seriously to begin with. You have taken him seriously, and this is your own fault".<ref name="takeionescu"/>
===Romanian Campaign===
The country subsequently suffered a series of defeats and all its southern areas were occupied by the Central Powers (''see [[Romanian Campaign (World War I)|Romanian Campaign]]''). Ionescu followed Romanian authorities into refuge to the provisional capital of [[Iaşi]],<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="lacusta"/><ref name="xeni"/> being hosted by C. Konya, a well-known pharmacist whose house was near the [[University of Iaşi|local university]].<ref name="xeni"/> Ionescu's house on Bucharest's Atena Street was ransacked and partly vandalized by German troops — [[Constantin Argetoianu]] recounted that this was accomplished "methodically", and constituted "an exception" to the German administration's "scrupulous respect for private property".<ref name="argetoianu">[[Constantin Argetoianu]], "Memorii" ("Memoirs"; fragment), in ''Magazin Istoric'', March 1968, p.72-73, 78-79</ref> According to Take Ionescu himself, his lodging had been destroyed on special orders from [[August von Mackensen]] in December 1916<ref name="lacusta"/> (he also contrasted this action with his promise to protect the property of former German ambassador, [[Hilmar von dem Bussche-Haddenhausen]], after he had left Bucharest earlier in the same year).<ref name="lacusta"/>
He was brought to office as a Vice-[[List of Prime Ministers of Romania|Premier]] and Minister Secretary of State ([[Minister without portfolio]]), in a [[War Cabinet]] headed by the PNL's leader Brătianu, serving between July 1917 and January 1918.<ref name="rompres"/> According to Xeni, Ionescu's advocacy of an Entente alliance had made him the target of intense criticism, at a time when the territory still controlled by Romanian authorities was suffering major hardships, and replied that "war had to be made".<ref name="xeni"/> At the same time, he and the premier agreed on the principles of [[Electoral reform|electoral]] and [[land reform]] to be carried out in a future Romania, as the Conservatives appeared destined to lose appeal.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/>
Romania ultimately signed a [[Treaty of Bucharest, 1918|peace treaty with the Central Powers]] in 1918 — soon after, Ionescu received approval to leave for Paris and London. While passing through [[Ploieşti]], his native city, he was reportedly [[Booing|booed]] by a crowd of opponents.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> After the [[Armistice with Germany (Compiègne)|Armistice with Germany]], which signaled a change in fortunes, he began actively campaigning for the international recognition of [[Union of Transylvania with Romania|Romania's union with Transylvania]] as advanced by the [[Romanian National Party]], creating the National Romanian Council, grouping politicians from several regions, many of whom had opposed the separate peace (these included the Transylvanians [[Octavian Goga]] and [[Vasile Lucaci]]), and supporting an anti-Hungarian alliance of Balkan states that played a part in creating the [[Little Entente]].<ref name="bonsal"/><ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="xeni"/>
In December, Ionescu met with Venizelos and the [[First Republic of Czechoslovakia|Czechoslovak]] leader [[Tomáš Masaryk]] to discuss a common approach; expressing support for [[Eastern Europe]]an alliances while commenting on the unresolved dispute involving Romania and the [[Kingdom of Serbia]], Masaryk confided in [[Stephen Bonsal]] that: "Solutions are still beyond our immediate reach, but I am confident that we have cleared ground for the co-operation at the [[Paris Peace Conference, 1919|Peace Conference]]".<ref name="bonsal"/>
Despite his intense activism, he was denied a presence in the Romanian delegation to the Conference,<ref name="xeni"/> owing to his renewed conflict with Prime Minister Brătianu.<ref name="bonsal"/><ref name="xeni"/> This followed a major disagreement in policy, after the National Liberals decided not to accept all Allied resolution on principle, and instead to renegotiate Romania's position on the international stage.<ref name="scurtuculegi">Ioan Scurtu, "«Politica: (...) culegi mai multă nedreptate decât răsplată». Rolul politic al Brătienilor în istoria României" ("«Politics: (...) One Reaps More Injustices Than Rewards». The Political Role of the Brătianus in Romania's History"), in ''Dosarele Istoriei'', 1/VI, 2001, p.13</ref> In December 1919, answering to concerns that he was leading a risky path, Brătianu spoke out in Parliament against what he saw as demeaning "the role [the Romanian people] should have in the world".<ref name="scurtuculegi"/>
Following Bessie Ionescu's death in a horse-riding accident, Ionescu married Alexandrina Ecaterina Woroniecki in 1919<ref name="dobrinunom"/> (she was also known as ''Adina Olmazu'').<ref name="lacusta"/> Also in that year, he published a volume of [[French language|French-language]] essays and memoirs; going through an English edition, it was first published in Romania in 1923.<ref name="lacusta"/>
===Alliance with Averescu===
He returned to his country in autumn 1919, with a designs to form a single political group of [[Democracy|democratic]] persuasion, stressing Conservative accomplishments (such as selling state land to peasants and confiscating ''[[mainmorte]]'' estates), while aiming to persuade the PNL to back electoral reform.<ref name="dobrinunompolitic"/><ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> During his stay in Paris, while the main Conservative Party disintegrated, the PCD had itself suffered a major crisis; according to Ionescu's rival and one-time political partner [[Constantin Argetoianu]], Ionescu's temporary residence on [[Calea Victoriei]] subsequently became a meeting place for various Conservative politicians (whom Argetoianu repeatedly described as "Conservative wrecks").<ref name="argetoianu"/>
Eventually, in 1919, Ionescu's group formed an alliance with the newly-created [[People's Party (interwar Romania)|People's League]], headed by General [[Alexandru Averescu]].<ref name="argetoianu"/><ref name="scurtuprab"/> Averescu, who was celebrated for his wartime command of the [[Romanian Army]], shared several viewpoints with the PCD and, according to Argetoianu's ironic version of events, "a great, albeit undisclosed, spiritual affinity: they both belonged to the reptilian class".<ref name="argetoianu"/> The alliance went through two stages: early in the year, the PCD signed an electoral pact with Averescu's grouping — the People League's Argetoianu, who led the talks, later indicated that he had sabotaged all possibility of an actual merger, believing it to be detrimental to his grouping;<ref name="argetoianu"/> in autumn, the newly-returned Ionescu met with the general to discuss a project for increased cooperation.<ref name="argetoianu"/> At the time, Argetoianu indicated, Ionescu viewed himself as a favorite of the [[Allies of World War I|Allied]] governments, and, while maintaining close relations with Averescu, refused to discuss a fusion.<ref name="argetoianu"/> Reportedly, Averescu unsuccessfully offered Ionescu the League's presidency in exchange for being recognized as the main candidate for the premiership.<ref name="argetoianu"/> The PCD leader changed his attitude as it became apparent that Averescu, who was appointed Prime Minister by Ferdinand, was set to win the elections, and, according to Constantin Argetoianu, had to allow Averescu the upper hand in the deal.<ref name="argetoianu"/>
The PCD came to power following the landslide victory in the [[Romanian general election, 1921|1921 election]] (when the PCD won 17 seats in addition to the People Party's 206).<ref name="scurtuprab"/> Take Ionescu was again brought to a cabinet position between 1920 and 1921, replacing [[Duiliu Zamfirescu]] as [[List of Romanian Ministers of Foreign Affairs|Foreign Minister]] in the Averescu cabinet.<ref name="calafeteanu"/><ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="rompres"/> Argetoianu indicated that the PCD had not been part of the original cabinet makeup due to Averescu's maneuvers: reportedly, the general presented his group as the main candidate in the elections, and allowed the Conservative-Democrats to have a share in government only after he was validated by the popular vote.<ref name="argetoianu"/> Expanding on this issue, Argetoianu stated: "Take Ionescu hoped to achieve popularity through his activity in Paris and thus impose himself either ''at the top'', in spheres of the [Royal] Palace, or ''at the bottom'', in the popular masses. Unfortunately for him, he found no ''vacant spot'' either up or down. At the top, Brătianu remained adamantly, as always, the person of trust, and at the bottom Averescu's popularity, with its [[Fetishism|fetishistic]] character, allowed no one to present even the most limited of challenges. Take Ionescu, for all his merits and for all his intelligence, was doomed to continue his career as a ''trailer'' and hung on to Averescu, as his collaborator".<ref name="argetoianu"/>
===Foreign Minister and premiership===
The appointment came at a time when his Little Entente project had already been fulfilled, and extended, from the Romanian perspective, through the alliance with the [[Second Polish Republic]] (''see [[Polish-Romanian Alliance]]'').<ref name="nconstantinide">{{ro icon}} [[Noti Constantinide]], [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi2001/current7/mi13.htm "Amintiri" ("Recollections")], in ''Magazin Istoric''</ref><ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> According to journalist [[Noti Constantinide]], who visited him during his stay in [[Aix-les-Bains]] (March 1921), Ionescu, whom he called "the most intelligent person I ever met", was actively promoting the Romanian and Little Entente causes, seeking to sway public opinion in Allied countries.<ref name="nconstantinide"/> Through Constantinide, Ionescu was informed that [[Charles I of Austria|Charles]], former [[Emperor of Austria]] and [[List of Hungarian rulers|King of Hungary]], had decided in favor of secretly returning to [[Budapest]] and taking back one of his thrones; the information, according to Constantinide, was passed to him by an [[Austria]]n officer in [[Hungary]]'s service, who had decided to betray his superiors.<ref name="nconstantinide"/> The information proved accurate, but Ionescu reportedly dismissed similar news, received some time after, of Charles' planning a second such attempt — this was to be effected in October, and, although more successful than the March episode, it too ended in Charles' expulsion (''see [[Charles IV of Hungary's conflict with Miklós Horthy]]'').<ref name="nconstantinide"/>
He began looking for an agreement with [[Bolshevist Russia]] over the issue of [[Bessarabia]] and the [[Romanian Treasure]], but bilateral relations remained tense.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> Inside the cabinet, Ionescu successfully promoted [[Nicolae Titulescu]] (for the [[Ministry of Public Finance (Romania)|Finance]] portfolio) and [[Dimitrie Greceanu]] (for [[Ministry of Transport, Constructions and Tourism (Romania)|Public Works]]),<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="rompres"/><ref name="scurtuprab"/> but had to accept the former's resignation in late 1920, after Titulescu cited irreconcilable differences in political ideology (declaring himself to be much more [[left-wing]] than his party's chief) and reproached Ionescu the fact that he had intervened in financial affairs.<ref name="calafeteanu"/>
The Averescu executive, maneuvered by Brătianu and meeting with stiff opposition from the [[Romanian National Party|Romanian National]], [[Peasants' Party (Romania)|Peasants']] and [[Democratic Nationalist Party|Democratic Nationalist]] parties, was ultimately brought down by Take Ionescu himself, through his resignation from office on [[December 11]], [[1921]].<ref name="scurtumitrealit">{{ro icon}} Ioan Scurtu, [http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi1997/current5/mi41.htm "Mit şi realitate. Alexandru Averescu" ("Myth and Reality. Alexandru Averescu")], in ''Magazin Istoric''</ref> This came as the [[Land reform in Romania|project for land reform]] provoked a standoff in Parliament, after the PNL persuaded King Ferdinand that Averescu had to resign, and Ionescu agreed to induce an artificial crisis for the general to hand over his mandate.<ref name="scurtumitrealit"/>
Ionescu was ultimately Prime Minister for one month, from [[December 18]], [[1921]], until [[January 19]], [[1922]].<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/><ref name="rompres"/> In this capacity, he oversaw the marriage agreement between [[List of Serbian monarchs|King]] [[Alexander I of Yugoslavia|Alexander I]] of the [[Kingdom of Yugoslavia|Serbs, Croats and Slovenes]] and [[Maria of Romania|Princess Marioara]].<ref name="dobrinunomoistorie"/> He resigned after a [[motion of no confidence]], which Ferdinand hoped to see bringing Averescu back to power, but was instead faced with a new PNL majority, formed after the [[Romanian general election, 1922|1922 elections]].<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/>
===Death===
[[Image:Sinaia monastery2.jpg|thumb|300px|The inner courtyard of [[Sinaia Monastery]]]]
While visiting [[Italy]] in summer 1922, Take Ionescu contracted [[typhoid fever]], and died at a sanitarium on [[Rome]]'s Via Toscana (according to sources, he had contracted the disease while in [[Naples]], having eaten an infected oyster, and fell ill while crossing into [[Sicily]]).<ref name="dobrinunomoistorie">{{ro icon}} Marius Dobrin, [http://www.respiro.org/Issue6/eseu_dobrin.htm "Take Ionescu - un mare democrat, un mare european. Un om, o istorie" ("Take Ionescu - a Great Democrat, a Great European. A Man, a History"), in ''Respiro'']</ref><ref name="woroniecki">Alexandrina Ecaterina Woroniecki, "Sfârşitul lui Take Ionescu" ("The End of Take Ionescu"), in ''Magazin Istoric'', July 1975, p.43-44</ref><ref name="xeni"/> The final diagnosis was "typhic ulcerous [[aortitis]] and internal [[abdominal angina]]".<ref name="woroniecki"/> The unusual circumstances of his illness provoked scientific interest, and, during the early 1920s, it was discussed in medical circles as the "Take Ionescu disease".<ref name="woroniecki"/>
Returning from the [[League of Nations]] in [[Geneva]], Brătianu paid a visit to the moribund Ionescu, and reportedly acknowledged the merits of his Balkan projects ("You were right, Mr. Ionescu. Having witnessed the chaos in Geneva, I had [instead] the opportunity of seeing of just how much help the creation and solidarity of the Little Entente has been to us").<ref name="dobrinunomoistorie"/>
The train transporting his remains was saluted by Serb officials when passing through their country, and received in Bucharest with the sirens of several locomotives blowing in unison (as a sign of respect).<ref name="dobrinunomoistorie"/> The casket, wrapped in the [[Flag of Romania|Romanian tricolor]], was displayed in the [[Romanian Athenaeum]] building for several days.<ref name="dobrinunomoistorie"/> A public procession, led by King Ferdinand, accompanied the casket, placed on a [[Caisson (military)|caisson]], down to Bucharest's [[Gara de Nord]], whence it was transported for burial in [[Sinaia]] ([[June 30]], [[1922]]).<ref name="dobrinunomoistorie"/>
Ionescu was buried in the inner courtyard of [[Sinaia Monastery]], inside a marble crypt having quotes from his speeches carved into its walls,<ref name="xeni"/> and in the vicinity of a fir tree planted in 1848 by a group of [[1848 Wallachian Revolution|Wallachian revolutionaries]] (one of whom was Ionescu's ancestor [[Ion Heliade Rădulescu]]).<ref name="dobrinunomoistorie"/> The grave site had been previously donated by the Romanian state to Alexandrina Ecaterina Woroniecki.<ref name="woroniecki"/>
==Legacy==
''Spiritele anului 3000'', authored when Ionescu was just 17, is thought to be one of the first works of [[science fiction]] in [[Literature of Romania|Romanian literature]].<ref name="fmsf"/> Written as a [[first-person narrative]] and dream sequence, it depicts its author and main character falling into slumber and awaking on the close of the 30th century. The world he encounters is peopled by humans of a small stature, who reach full maturity at the age of 15.<ref name="fmsf"/> ''Spiritele anului 3000'' is part [[political satire]] and part political project. Humanity is unified into a single confederation of republics and administrated from ''Liberty'' (a completely new capital built up on an [[artificial island]] in the [[Mediterranean Sea]]), while monarchies and wars have disappeared altogether.<ref name="fmsf"/> Romania is set "in her natural borders" through the intervention of a Supreme Tribunal, while the [[Romanian language]] adopts a form to Ionescu's liking (having shunned the more artificial etymology favored by [[Transylvania]]n intellectuals and the [[Romanian Academy]] alike).<ref name="fmsf"/> The [[Climate of Romania|Romanian climate]] is improved by [[afforestation]], the country is spanned by [[canal]]s, and the garden-like Bucharest, over which the narrator and Aru, his friend from the future, fly in a [[moored balloon]], no longer has any churches left standing.<ref name="fmsf"/>
The Conservative-Democratic Party did not survive the death of its leader, and disbanded over the same year.<ref name="giurescu"/> According to his one-time political ally [[Octavian Goga]], Ionescu "concentrated within him the character of improvised [[Muntenia]]n [[bourgeoisie]]".<ref name="gogadinzilele"/> Praising him for his qualities while also contending that his discourse "bordered on [[demagogy]]", Goga stated "I do not believe, though, that he could have ever gone as far in a Western country or in a balanced country such as [[England]]".<ref name="gogadinzilele"/> He described their relationship thus: "He did all sorts of favors for me, he won me money loans, he promised me a ministry from the very beginning, he declared me «a genius» in his article for ''[[La Roumanie]]'', — I nonetheless remained, in front of him, as I would remain in front of a woman who in vain tries to earn my love, as she does not project an image of moral responsibility".<ref name="gogadinzilele"/>
Writing on the nomenclature used in the works of [[Ion Luca Caragiale]], the literary critic [[Garabet Ibrăileanu]] noted the use and special meaning of pet forms. Commenting, among others, on the banality of the names "Take"/"Tache" and "Ionescu", he contended that Ionescu had transported the moniker into general acceptance, out of the reach of its familiar connotations: "«Take Ionescu» is utterly banal [...], but this name, due to the person who bore it, has gained through association a special prestige. This is why, if we were to see it today being used by a common Ionescu, the occurrence would seem comical to us".<ref name="ibraileanu">{{ro icon}} [[Garabet Ibrăileanu]], [http://ro.wikisource.org/wiki/Scriitori_rom%C3%A2ni_%C5%9Fi_str%C4%83ini:Numele_proprii_%C3%AEn_opera_comic%C4%83_a_lui_Caragiale ''Scriitori români şi străini: Numele proprii în opera comică a lui Caragiale'' ("Romanian and Foreign Writers: Personal Names in Caragiale's Comedic Works")]</ref> Expanding on this issue, he noted that both the derisive tone in Caragiale's works and Ionescu's career reflected, each in its own way, the growth in importance of a single [[social class]], the "national bourgeoisie".<ref name="ibraileanu"/>
Take Ionescu's enduring admiration and support for countries in the [[Anglosphere]] and for the [[British Empire]] was reflected in contemporary popular culture. As Xeni indicated, Ionescu was depicted in satirical works either as an English "sportsman" or "an immense cylinder wrapped up in the stars of the [[Flag of the United States|American flag]]").<ref name="xeni"/> Ionescu's popularity before and during [[World War I]] also made him the center of a cultural trend, and the subject of imitation.<ref name="arghezidinzilele"/> According to [[Tudor Arghezi]], he was personally responsible for raising the prestige of [[Ştefan Luchian]], an impoverished painter, being among the first ever to purchase more than one of the latter's paintings.<ref name="arghezidinzilele"/>
The friendship between Ionescu and [[Eleftherios Venizelos]] left behind its own artistic legacy: in late 1913 or early 1915, the Ionescu residence in Bucharest was decorated with a stone [[bas-relief]] of the goddess [[Athena]], which was inlaid into the masonry.<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> Additionally, after Take Ionescu's death, Venizelos donated a bloc of [[Parian marble]] to be used for the politician's bust (ultimately placed inside the Chamber quarters on [[Mitropoliei Hill]]),<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> and another marble bloc to be used for his grave in [[Sinaia Monastery]].<ref name="woroniecki"/>
Immediately after Ionescu's 1913 mission to Greece, the street he lived on was renamed ''Atena'' ([[Romanian language|Romanian]] for "[[Athens]]").<ref name="dobrinunomdestat"/> A section of the present-day [[Bulevardul Magheru|Magheru Boulevard]] in Bucharest was initially named in Ionescu's honor.<ref name="barnea">{{ro icon}} Alexandru Barnea, [http://www.zf.ro/articol_105965/istoria_romaniei_la_bucuresti.html "Istoria României la Bucureşti" ("Romania's History in Bucharest")], in ''[[Ziarul Financiar]]'', [[December 22]], [[2006]]</ref> Undergoing a name change during the [[Communist Romania|Communist period]], a section of the former Atena Street was assigned the name ''Take Ionescu'' in the wake of the [[Romanian Revolution of 1989|1989 Revolution]].<ref name="barnea"/> Atena Street housed a large statue of Take Ionescu, the work of French sculptor [[Ernest Dubois]], depicting him standing alongside two female nudes, representing the ideal borders of [[Greater Romania]] (the [[Dniester]] and the [[Tisza]]), and pointing toward [[Transylvania]].<ref name="barnea"/> The monument was notably criticized by architectural historian [[Grigore Ionescu]], who argued that it was "an inferior replica of [[Ion Brătianu]]'s monument".<ref name="barnea"/>
Under the Communist regime, Alexandrina Ecaterina Woroniecki was allowed to continue residing in the house Ionescu had built for her in the proximity of [[Şoseaua Kiseleff]], but had to share her lodging with a section of the [[National Museum of Art of Romania|Republican Art Museum]], and was assigned a room on the underground floor.<ref name="lacusta"/>
{{RomanianPrimeMinisters}}
==References==
{{reflist|2}}
{{DEFAULTSORT:Ionescu, Take}}
[[Category:Prime Ministers of Romania]]
[[Category:Members of the Romanian National Liberal Party]]
[[Category:Romanian diplomats]]
[[Category:Romanian journalists]]
[[Category:Romanian lawyers]]
[[Category:Romanian Ministers of Foreign Affairs]]
[[Category:Romanian Ministers of Interior]]
[[Category:Romanian people of World War I]]
[[Category:Romanian essayists]]
[[Category:Romanian memoirists]]
[[Category:Romanian science fiction writers]]
[[Category:Romanian short story writers]]
[[Category:Romanian writers in French]]
[[Category:People from Ploieşti]]
[[Category:University of Paris alumni]]
[[Category:Saint Sava National College alumni]]
[[Category:Romanian Orthodox Christians]]
[[Category:Deaths by typhoid fever]]
[[Category:1858 births]]
[[Category:1922 deaths]]
[[et:Take Ionescu]]
[[he:טאקה יונסקו]]
[[la:Tache Ionescu]]
[[nl:Take Ionescu]]
[[ro:Take Ionescu]]