United Nations Parliamentary Assembly 3216469 216580166 2008-06-02T08:15:37Z Mac 7858 /* Implementation */ {{Infobox Organization |name=United Nations Parliamentary Assembly Acronym: ''UNPA'' |image_border=Uno_unpalogo.svg |caption= [[CEUNPA]]-supported logo of a UNPA, reflecting parliamentary benches |type= Proposed Organ of the United Nations |headquarters= |membership= |language= |leader_title= |leader_name= |formation= |budget= |staff= |website= }} {{ dablink | The abbreviation [[UNPA]] can also refer to several other UN-related entities. }} A '''United Nations Parliamentary Assembly''', or '''United Nations People's Assembly''' ('''UNPA'''; ''[[French language|French]]: Assemblée parlementaire des Nations Unies, [[Spanish language|Spanish]]: Asamblea Parlamentaria de las Naciones Unidas'', [[Arabic language|Arabic]]: الجمعية البرلمانية للأمم المتحدة {{ArabDIN|''Al-Ǧamʿīyah al-Barlamānīyah lil-ʾUmam al-Muttaḥidah}}''), is a proposed addition to the [[United Nations System]] that would allow for participation of member nations' legislators and, eventually, [[direct election]] of [[United Nations]] (UN) [[parliament]] members by citizens worldwide. The idea was raised at the [[League of Nations]] founding in the 1920s and again following the end of World War II in 1945, but remained dormant throughout the [[Cold War]]. In the 1990s and 2000s, the rise of global trade and the power of world organizations that govern it led to calls for a [[parliamentary assembly]] to scrutinize their activity.<ref name="CrossPartyCoalition">Watson, Graham ([[September 26]], [[2007]]. [http://www.grahamwatsonmep.org/news/000423/the_case_for_global_democracy_cross_party_coalition_of_meps_calls_for_a_un_parliamentary_assembly.html The Case for Global Democracy: Cross Party Coalition of MEPs calls for a UN Parliamentary Assembly]. Graham Watson MEP. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The [[International Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly]] was formed in 2007 to coordinate pro-UNPA efforts. Supporters have set forth possible UNPA implementations, including promulgation of a new treaty; creation of a UNPA as a subsidiary body of the UN General Assembly; and evolution of a UNPA from the [[Inter-Parliamentary Union]] or another [[nongovernmental organization]]. Several proposals for apportionment of votes have been raised to address disparities in UN members' population and economic power. CEUNPA advocates initially giving the UNPA advisory powers and gradually increasing its authority over the UN system. Opponents cite issues such as funding, voter turnout, and undemocratic UN member nations as reasons for abandoning the project altogether. ==History== Proposals for a parliamentary assembly in the global organization of nations date back to at least the 1920s, when [[League of Nations]] founders considered (and rejected) plans to include a people's assembly as part of the League's structure.<ref>McCarthy, Bill (March 2005). [http://www.un.org/Pubs/chronicle/2005/issue3/0305p34.html Democracy in the United Nations], [[UN Chronicle]], p. 34. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> League and UN founding documents include few mechanisms for direct participation by citizens or legislators, aside from [[Article 71 of the UN Charter|Article 71]] provision allowing [[ECOSOC]] to grant [[consultative status]] to certain organizations, and the [[Chapter XVIII of the UN Charter|Chapter XVIII]] and [[Chapter XIX of the UN Charter|XIX]] requirements that ratification and amendments be approved by member states "in accordance with their respective constitutional processes" which typically involve legislative and/or public input.<ref>[http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Charter_of_the_United_Nations#Chapter_XVIII_-_Amendments Charter of the United Nations, Chapter XVIII]. [[Wikisource]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> In 1945, a people's world assembly was proposed by British politician [[Ernest Bevin]], who said in the [[British House of Commons|House of Commons]] that "There should be a study of a house directly elected by the people of the world to whom the nations are accountable."<ref>Zipp, Susan J. (2007). [http://www.empowertheun.org/thepeoplesmovement.html The People's Movement 2007: The Voices of the People in Global Decision-Making], Citizens for a United Nations People's Assembly. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> On [[October 16]], [[1945]], before the [[UN Charter]] had even entered into force, retired [[U.S. Supreme Court Justice]] [[Owen J. Roberts]] and former New Hampshire Governor [[Robert P. Bass]] called a conference which passed the [[Dublin Declaration]], which stated that the UN Charter was inadequate to preserve peace and called for [[world government]], opining, "Such a government should be based upon a constitution under which all peoples and nations will participate upon a basis of balanced representation which will take account of natural and industrial resources and other factors as well as population. It cannot be based on treaties...in which the states...act and vote as states".<ref>Declaration of the Dublin, N.H., Conference ([[October 16]], [[1945]]). [http://books.google.com/books?id=5ymc-HHltNMC&pg=PA539&lpg=PA539&dq=dublin+%22world+federalist%22&source=web&ots=Kbwyol8WaC&sig=Ilf_PUEIs8MeqUuG2Cuy2-l4iHA World Federalist Declarations]. ''The Politics of World Federation'', by Joseph Preston Baratta (2004). Preager Publishers. p. 540. ISBN 0-275-98068-5. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> [[Grenville Clark]] and other participants in the Dublin conference went on to become active in the [[United World Federalists]] (UWF) and the global [[World Federalist Movement]].<ref>Clifford, J. Garry (2007). [http://members.fortunecity.com/hobeika/unitarians/clark_grenville.html Grenville Clark]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> UWF enjoyed some success in the postwar period, as 23 state legislatures passed bills supporting the organization’s goals, but [[McCarthyism]] prompted many prominent members to resign lest [[Senator Joseph McCarthy]] ruin their careers.<ref>[http://www.globalsolutions.org/publications/60_years_global_solutions 60 Years of Global Solutions], [[Citizens for Global Solutions]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]]</ref> In the [[United States]], [[Internationalism (politics)|internationalism]] came to be associated with communism.<ref>Bigman, Stanley K. (1950). ''The "New Internationalism" Under Attack''. [[The Public Opinion Quarterly]], Vol. 14, No. 2 (Summer, 1950), pp. 235-261.</ref> In the post-[[Cold War]] era, several factors contributed to a more favorable environment for UNPA proposals.<ref>[http://www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/docs96/wfmoct96.htm World Federalist Movement Text on NGOs and Democratization of the UN], [[World Federalist Movement]], October 1996. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> A [[Trilateral Commission]] report notes that the shift from a world led by the two rival Soviet- and U.S.-led blocs meant a general diffusion of power. Growth of economic interdependence, proliferation of transnational actors, nationalism in weak states, spread of technology, and increasing numbers of issues (such as global environmental problems and [[weapons of mass destruction]] containment) that are both domestic and international generated stronger incentive to develop international cooperation than ever before.<ref>Nye, Joseph S. (1991) [http://www.jcie.or.jp/books/abstracts/G/cooperation.html Global Cooperation after the Cold War: A Reassessment of Trilateralism], The Triangle Papers: 41. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Democracy in general had spread; in 2003, [[Freedom House]] counted 121 electoral democracies, compared to 66 in 1987<ref>Emmerson, Donald K. ([[January 29]], [[2003]]). [http://www.globalpolicy.org/globaliz/politics/2003/0129democracy.htm Global Spread of Democracy Poses New Challenge for the US], [[YaleGlobal]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]]</ref> and 30 in 1975 (although by the mid-2000s, the trend appeared to have stagnated).<ref>Grier, Peter ([[November 21]], [[2007]]). [http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/1121/p01s02-usgn.html Global spread of democracy stalled]. [[The Christian Science Monitor]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The rapidly integrating European Union, a unique supranational body whose European Parliament was gradually growing in power, provided an example to the world of how a multi-nation parliament can evolve and function.<ref>Levi, Lucio. [http://www.wfm.org/site/index.php?module=uploads&func=download&fileId=128 Globalization and a World Parliament], [[World Federalist Movement]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The [[World Trade Organization]] and similar organizations generated great concern as they seemed to be gaining more influence and control over trade disputes, yet were not accountable to the people<ref name="CrossPartyCoalition"/>; U.S. President [[Bill Clinton]] opined, "We must insist that international trade organizations be open to public scrutiny instead of mysterious, secret things subject to wild criticism."<ref>Clinton, William ([[January 19]], [[1999]]). [http://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/01/19/sotu.transcript/ Clinton's State of the Union speech]. [[CNN]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> A "[[new diplomacy]]" seemed to be taking shape in which [[Non-governmental organization|NGOs]] and governments cooperated to create new global institutions such as the [[International Criminal Court]].<ref>Pace, William R. ([[July 17]], [[1998]]) [http://www.un.org/icc/speeches/n717wfm.htm Statement of World Federalist Movement on behalf of the Coalition for an International Criminal Court]. [[United Nations]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy Chairman [[Harold C. Pachios]] noted:<ref>Pachios, Harold C. ([[December 4]], [[2002]]) [http://www.state.gov/r/adcompd/rls/15804.htm The New Diplomacy], Remarks to Wellesley College. [[US Department of State]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> {{cquote|From the time governments were organized until very recently, diplomacy involved conveying a message to another government, usually delivered by a government official – an ambassador – to a representative of a foreign government, and the response of foreign government officials. The interrelationship of countries was generally governed by these exchanges of messages between governments, and these exchanges were customarily secret. The information revolution which occurred in the last half of the 20th century, particularly in the last decade of the 20th century, dramatically changed all of that. Now it is ordinary citizens of countries who more often than not govern the relations among nations.}} In early 1993, the [[Canadian House of Commons]] Standing Committee on External Affairs and International Trade presented a report stating, "By way of building the public and political constituency for the United Nations, the Committee recommends that Canada support the development of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly."<ref>[http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/documents/canada-report.pdf 8th Report of the Standing Committee on External Affairs and International Trade] (PDF), House of Commons, [[Parliament of Canada]], Spring 1993, chaired by Hon. [[Jon Bosley]], 1993. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The [[Campaign for a Democratic United Nations]] (CAMDUN), the [[International Network for a United Nations Second Assembly]] (INFUSA), and the Global People's Assembly Movement (GPAM), began circulating UNPA proposals around 1995, and other organizations, such as [[One World Trust]], began publishing analyses of how to proceed in the current political situation.<ref>Berthoin, Georges & Luff, Peter (2007). [http://www.globalpolicy.org/reform/docs00/0204owtreform.pdf The Reform of the United Nations] (PDF). [[One World Trust]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref><ref name="TakingDemocracyGlobal"/><ref>[http://www.camdun-online.gn.apc.org/options.html Main Options for a UN Peoples' Assembly], Campaign for a Democratic United Nations, 1995. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> On [[February 8]], [[2005]], on the initiative of the Committee for a Democratic UN, 108 Swiss Parliamentarians signed an open letter to the Secretary-General calling for the establishment of just such a body.<ref>[http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/documents/swiss-open-letter-annan-2005.pdf Establishment of a Parliamentary Assembly at the UN] (PDF), [[Committee for a Democratic United Nations]], [[February 8]], [[2005]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> On [[May 14]], [[2005]], the Congress of the [[Liberal International]] issued a resolution stating that "the Liberal International calls on the member states of the United Nations to enter into deliberations on the establishment of a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations."<ref>[http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/documents/LI-Resolution-UNPA2005.pdf Strengthening citizens representation on international level through an UN Parliamentary Assembly] (PDF), Resolution adopted by the 53. Congress of the Liberal International on [[May 14]], [[2005]] in Sofia. [[KDUN]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> On [[June 9]], [[2005]], the [[European Parliament]] issued a resolution that contained an item stating that Europarl "calls for the establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) within the UN System, which would increase the democratic profile and internal democratic process of the organisation and allow [[world civil society]] to be directly associated in the [[decision-making process]]; states that the Parliamentary Assembly should be vested with genuine rights of information, participation and control, and should be able to adopt recommendations directed at the UN General Assembly; [...]"<ref>[http://www.europarl.eu.int/omk/sipade3?PUBREF=-//EP//TEXT+TA+P6-TA-2005-0237+0+DOC+XML+V0//EN&LEVEL=3&NAV=X European Parliament resolution on the reform of the United Nations], Strasbourg, [[9 June]] [[2005]]. Europarl. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> In 2006, [[Citizens for a United Nations People's Assembly]] circulated a petition to UN [[Secretary-General]] Kofi Annan to "convene a High Level Panel to determine the steps required for the establishment of a Peoples' Parliamentary Assembly within the United Nations Organization"<ref>[http://www.empowertheun.org/ Empower the United Nations with the voice of the people!] Citizens for a United Nations People's Assembly, 2007. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> In April 2007, international NGOs launched the [[International Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly]], the principal current movement for the establishment of a UNPA.<ref name="UNPA Campaign"/> Its Secretariat is led by the [[Committee for a Democratic U.N.]]<ref>CEUNPA (2007). [http://en.unpacampaign.org/about/index.php About the Campaign]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Over 100 civil society groups and more than 400 parliamentarians from all over the world are taking part in the Campaign.<ref>CEUNPA (2007). [http://en.unpacampaign.org/appeal/support/index.php?who=ini&where=all Appeal Support]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> As of December 2007, CEUNPA's appeal was endorsed by around 1500 signatories from over 100 countries, among them hundreds of parliamentarians, civil society leaders, leading academics and distinguished individuals such as former UN Secretary-General [[Boutros Boutros-Ghali]], the President of the Pan-African Parliament, [[Gertrude Mongella]], Academy Award winner [[Emma Thompson]], SF-author Sir [[Arthur C. Clarke]] or [[Edgar Mitchell]], former NASA astronaut and sixth human being to walk on the moon.<ref>[http://en.unpacampaign.org/appeal/ Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> On [[September 25]], [[2007]], the statement by H.E. Mr. [[José Sócrates]], [[Prime Minister of Portugal]], on [[President of the European Council|behalf of the European Union]], at the United Nations 62nd Session of the General Assembly, General Debate, stated, "We remain committed to the reform of its main bodies in order to enhance the Organization's representativity, transparency and effectiveness."<ref>Sócrates, José ([[September 25]], [[2007]]). [http://europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/article_7338_en.htm EU Presidency Statement - United Nations 62nd General Assembly: General Debate], European Union, at the United Nations 62nd Session of the General Assembly. [[September 25]], [[2007]]. [[European Union]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> On [[October 24]], [[2007]], the [[Pan African Parliament]] unanimously adopted a resolution calling for the establishment of a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations, noting, "in contrast to regional international bodies such as the African Union, the European Union, the Council of Europe, or [[Mercosur]], the United Nations and its specialized organizations is one of the last international fora lacking an integrated and institutionalized Parliamentary Assembly."<ref>[http://www.openpr.com/news/31259/Pan-African-Parliament-calls-for-UN-Parliamentary-Assembly.html Pan-African Parliament calls for UN Parliamentary Assembly]. Committee for a Democratic United Nations. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref><ref name="PanAfrican">Pan African Parliament (October 2007). [http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/documents/PAP_UNPA.pdf A United Nations Parliamentary Assembly]. 8th Ordinary Session of the Pan-African Parliament, Midrand, South Africa, October 2007, Committee on Cooperation, International Relations and Conflict Resolution, Motion introduced by Mokshanand Sunil DOWARKASING (Mauritius), Adopted by the house on 24 October 2007. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> CEUNPA's Conference for the Establishment of a Global Coalition for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly is envisaged to take place in 2008.<ref name="UNPA Campaign">[http://en.unpacampaign.org/conference/index.php Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> One of the most influential and well-known pro-UN organizations, [[UNA-USA]] has been on both sides of the issue. In 2003, UNA-USA's executive director of policy studies, Jeffrey Laurenti, wrote an article, ''An Idea Whose Time Has Not Come'', arguing that there were important unresolved issues of inclusivity, authority, and efficiency with the UNPA.<ref name="Laurenti">Laurenti, Jeffrey (May 2003). [http://www.unausa.org/site/pp.asp?c=fvKRI8MPJpF&b=474395 UN Reform: Is a World Parliamentary Assembly needed? An Idea Whose Time Has Not Come.] United Nations Association of the United States of America. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> UNA's position seemed to reverse in November 2006, when the 38th plenary session of the [[World Federation of United Nations Associations]] issued a resolution stating that it "Supports the establishment of a United Nations parliamentary Assembly as a consultative body within the United Nations system as a voice of the citizens; Calls upon the governments of the United Nations member states, parliamentarians and civil society representatives to jointly examine possible steps and options to create a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly."<ref>[http://www.wfuna.org/news/plenary_assembly/pa38_resolutions.cfm#UN_Parliamentary PA38 Resolutions: Outcomes of the 38th Plenary Assembly.] [[World Federation of United Nations Associations]], November 2006. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> {| class="wikitable" align="right" |+Major regional parliaments and parliamentary assemblies''' |---- |- bgcolor="#ececec" valign=top |'''Name''' |'''First session''' |'''Direct election''' |---- |[[Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe]] |1949 |N/A |---- |[[European Parliamentary Assembly]] |1952 |1979 |---- |[[NATO Parliamentary Assembly]] |1955 |N/A |---- |[[Parliamentary Assembly of OSCE]] |1992 |N/A |---- |[[Pan African Parliament]] |2004 |N/A |---- |[[Mercosur Parliament]] |2007 |2014 (planned) |---- |} According to Stefan Marschal, the post-World War II years, particularly the 1980s and 1990s, saw tremendous growth in [[parliamentary assemblies]], with more than 40 established since 1949. About 42% of the world's parliamentary assemblies are formally affiliated with an [[intergovernmental organization]]; 32% are informally affiliated; and 26% are unaffiliated. The spread in parliamentary assemblies was spurred by acceptance of [[parliamentarism]] as a means of legitimizing decisions; initiatives for intergovernmental cooperation reaching a point at which stronger parliamentary backing was needed; and regional integration. However, many global organizations, such as the UN and WTO, still lack a parliamentary assembly and "have been heavily criticized for what is supposed to be an institutional deficit."<ref>Marschall, Stefan ([[June 13]], [[2007]]). [http://www.swp-berlin.org/de/common/get_document.php?asset_id=4299 European Parliaments in Transnational Organisations: Parliamentary Cooperation Beyond the European Union]. [[Shiftung Wissenschaft und Politik]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> ==Implementation== There are six main options for creating a U.N. Parliamentary Assembly, according to various assessments. [[Amendments to the UN Charter|Amending the UN Charter]], possibly through a Charter Review Conference under [[Article 109 of the UN Charter]], is a commonly cited possibility.<ref>[http://www.one-world-now.com/Blueprint.html Blueprint For an Article 109 Charter Review Conference], [[One World Now]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> This is difficult because it requires ratification by two-thirds of UN members, including all five permanent members of the [[United Nations Security Council|Security Council]].<ref>Orvis, Pat ([[January 29]], [[2004]]). [http://www.fpa.org/newsletter_info2489/newsletter_info_sub_list.htm?section=United%20Nations%20Reform%20and%20Article%20109 United Nations Reform and Article 109]. [[Foreign Policy Association]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> There have been only five amendments to the UN Charter since 1945, and none of them were done through the Article 109 process.<ref>[[UNHCR]]. [http://www.unhchr.ch/pdf/UNcharter.pdf Introductory Note]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> [[Louis Sohn]] and [[Grenville Clark]], in their 1958 book ''[[World Peace Through World Law]]'', proposed establishing a UN Parliamentary Assembly through this method.<ref>Clark, Grenville & Sohn, Louis B. (1958). ''World Peace Through World Law''. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.</ref> Another possibility is establishing the UNPA as a subsidiary body of the UN General Assembly. The [[UN General Assembly|General Assembly]] has authority to do this under [[Article 22 of the UN Charter]].<ref>World Federalists Canada (1996). [http://www.worldfederalistscanada.org/0896unpa.html Canadian Support for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly Under the New Foreign Affairs Minister], Briefing Paper No. 30, [[World Federalists Canada]], Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> [[Erskine Childers (UN)|Erskine Childers]] and [[Brian Urquhart|Sir Brian Urquhart]] endorsed this approach in their 1994 book, ''Renewing the United Nations System''. The Committee for a Democratic UN also recommended the establishment of UNPA by Article 22 or by transformation of the [[Inter-Parliamentary Union]] in its report, ''Developing International Democracy''.<ref>Bummel, Andreas (May 2005). [http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/documents/unpa-paper.pdf Developing International Democracy] (PDF). Committee for a Democratic UN. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> In 2006, the [[Council of Europe]] passed a resolution noting, "A decisive step towards the development of a UN parliamentary dimension could be the establishment of an experimental parliamentary committee with consultative functions for General Assembly committees."<ref>[http://assembly.coe.int/Main.asp?link=/Documents/AdoptedText/ta06/ERES1476.htm Resolution 1476 (2006): Parliamentary dimension of the United Nations]. [[Council of Europe]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> It also can be based on the [[Community of Democracies]]. Yet another option is to create the UNPA as a nongovernmental organization of democratically elected legislators. This would have the advantage of not requiring the cooperation of (sometimes dictatorial) national governments or world parliamentary organizations with dictatorial members, so only democratic legislators, parliaments and countries would be represented.<ref>[http://www.pgaction.org/about_memb.asp PGA Membership Rules], [[Parliamentarians for Global Action]], 2007. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The [[World Constitution and Parliament Association]] and other NGOs have attempted to set up workable parliaments.<ref>World Constitution and Parliament Association. [http://www.wcpagren.com/aboutus.htm About Us]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Heinrich critiqued this approach by saying, "If it did succeed on any scale, it would divert resources from pressuring governments on thousands of specific issues, which citizens are good at, into the operation of a pan-global institutional structure, which citizens' groups are ill equipped to do...And the resulting assembly would always be of doubtful legitimacy (who does it really represent?) and of unlikely value as an evolutionary starting point for a real world parliament."<ref name="Heinrich">Heinrich, Dieter (October 1992). [http://www.unpacampaign.org/documents/en/UNPA1992.pdf The Case for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly] (PDF). [[CEUNPA]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> A UNPA could be created through a stand alone treaty. This would have the advantage that as few as 20 or 30 economically and geographically diverse countries could establish a UNPA,<ref name="TakingDemocracyGlobal"/><ref>[http://www.parlementmondial.com/en/publication1.htm A World Parliament: How?], [[Committee for a World Parliament]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> and it could expand as more countries ratified the treaty. Strauss notes that this is the method by which most international bodies, such the [[World Health Organization]], [[International Labour Organization]], and [[International Criminal Court]], were founded.<ref name="TakingDemocracyGlobal">Strauss, Andrew (2007). [http://www.oneworldtrust.org/documents/taking%20democracy%20global.pdf Taking Democracy Global: Assessing the Benefits and Challenges of a Global Parliamentary Assembly] (PDF), [[One World Trust]], 2007. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The way to get started presumably would be to hold a conference of plenipotentiaries to draft the treaty; then the ratification process would begin.<ref name="Alvarez">Alvarez, Jose E. [http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/law/lwsch/journals/bciclr/25_2/03_TXT.htm The New Treaty Makers], [[Boston College Law School]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> It might also be possible to use and/or transform the [[Inter-Parliamentary Union]] (IPU), which was granted [[observer status]] in 2002.<ref name="Civicus"/> The IPU's Second World Conference of Speakers of Parliament adopted a resolution stating, "We would greatly welcome more substantive interaction and coordination with the United Nations, and call upon the world body to resort more frequently to the political and technical expertise which the IPU together with its Member Parliaments can provide."<ref>[http://www.ipu.org/strct-e/un.htm Cooperation with the United Nations], [[Inter-Parliamentary Union]], 2007. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Many national parliaments are currently not members of the IPU.<ref>Inter-Parliamentary Union. [http://www.ipu.org/english/membshp.htm Members of the Union]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Moreover, it is uncertain that the IPU itself would be supportive of such a proposal; a 2005 article by IPU Secretary-General [[Anders B. Johnsson]] opined, "It makes little practical or political sense to set up a separate parliamentary assembly alongside the existing governmental General Assembly."<ref>Johnsson, Anders B. (March 2005) [http://www.un.org/Pubs/chronicle/2005/issue3/0305p44.html World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments], [[UN Chronicle]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Indeed, the [[Inter-Parliamentary Union]] seems to favor a reformed IPU as a substitute for a UNPA, saying, "The Union had the necessary experience, and further bureaucracy should be avoided."<ref>[http://www.ipu.org/news-e/19-3.htm Bridging the democracy gap in international relations: A stronger role for parliaments], Second World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments, Inter-Parliamentary Union, [[September 9]], [[2005]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> ==Powers== [[Image:UN meeting on environment at General Assembly.jpg|thumb|right|Following the example of many national parliaments, the UN General Assembly would likely function at first as the unelected [[upper house]] of a bicameral UN system.]] The CEUNPA proposes that the UNPA's begin as a consultative body whose powers could be augmented as it evolved into a directly elected assembly: "Step by step, it should be provided with genuine rights of information, participation and control vis-à-vis the UN and the organizations of the UN system."<ref>CEUNPA (2006). [http://en.unpacampaign.org/appeal/index.php Appeal for the establishment of a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations]. [[CEUNPA]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> An article in the [[Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal]] notes that precedents for this idea include the [[British Parliament]], [[French Estates-General]], [[U.S. Congress]], and Europarl, which are all systems in which, over time, power shifted to directly-elected officials: "In the past, fledgling democracy has always had to compromise with the realities of power and evolve step-by-step, where possible. This is often accomplished in the form of a 'non-democratic' additional house in the parliamentary structure. Thus, in Britain, the necessity of compromise of the 'common people' with the powers and interests of the armed and titled nobility necessitated a bicameral system incorporating the [[House of Lords]], as well as the [[British House of Commons|House of Commons]]. The French Estates-General included similar power blocs as 'estates' or functional separate houses, and the American Senate reflected a necessary compromise of the interests of less populous states hesitant to subject themselves to 'democratic inundation' by the more populous states."<ref name="Asian">Sheppard, Robert (2000). [http://www.hawaii.edu/aplpj/pdfs/04-sheppard.pdf Towards a U.N. World Parliament: U.N. Reform for the Progressive Evolution of an Elective and Accountable Democratic Parliamentary Process in U.N. Governance in the New Millennium]. Asian-Pacific Law & Policy Journal. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> [[World federalism|World federalists]] often point out that a democratic union of peoples, rather than governments, is suggested by the opening words of the [[Preamble to the United Nations Charter]], "We the peoples ..."<ref>Leinen, Jo. ([[June 25]], [[2005]]. [http://www.dwfed.org/pp_european_federalist.htm Leading European Federalist Calls for U.N. People's Assembly]. [[Democratic World Federalists]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> This sentiment was expressed by [[Theo van Boven]], who said, "A more democratic United Nations as envisaged by the campaign for a UN Parliament will strengthen the legitimacy of We the peoples of the United Nations in whose name the UN Charter was proclaimed."<ref name="Selected"/> According to the Committee for a Democratic UN, "The UNPA concept is the a first step towards a democratic world parliament".<ref>[http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/projects/unpa/index.php For a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations], [[Committee for a Democratic U.N.]] Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> World federalists typically view an empowered democratic assembly as a means of preventing war by providing everyone a peaceful means of pursuing their political objectives.<ref>[http://www.the-new-world-parliament.org/overview/ The Development of Global Governance], [[2020 Vision]], Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> [[Walter Cronkite]], for instance, said, "Within the next few years, we must change the basic structure of our global community from the present anarchic system of war and ever more destructive weaponry to a new system governed by a democratic U.N. federation."<ref>Cronkite, Walter ([[October 19]], [[1999]]). [http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/United_Nations/Chronkite_UN.html United Nations, national sovereignty and the future of the world], speech given upon receiving the [[Norman Cousins]] [[Global Governance]] Award. Third World Traveler. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> But there is some opposition to the idea of an empowered global parliament. A 2007 [[BBC]] poll of approximately 12,000 respondents asked, "How likely would you be to support a Global Parliament, where votes are based on country population sizes, and the global parliament is able to make binding policies?" Of those polled, 19.1% responded "Very unlikely – it is a bad idea"; 14.9% responded "Quite unlikely – but it might work"; 23.1% said "Quite likely – but with reservations"; and 14.4% said "Very likely – it is a good idea". The poll was broken out by country, and the U.S. and Australia showed the <!-- Hopefully Ron Paul isn't the only example or the voice of the USA, this needs clarification -->strongest opposition.<ref>[[BBC]] ([[August 10]], [[2007]]). [http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/shared/bsp/hi/pdfs/08_10_07_democracy.pdf In:Fact BBC Democracy] (PDF). Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Potential challenge to the UNPA are political organizations such as the [[U.S. Constitution Party]],<ref>[http://www.constitutionparty.com/party_platform.php#Foreign%20Policy National Sovereignty], [[U.S. Constitution Party]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> and politicians such as [[United States Republican presidential candidates, 2008|2008 U.S. presidential candidate]] [[Ron Paul]], which favor [[withdrawal from the United Nations]] and other multilateral organizations altogether due to [[sovereignty]] concerns.<ref>Paul, Ron ([[March 20]], [[2003]].) [http://www.lewrockwell.com/paul/paul82.html Time to Renounce the United Nations?], LewRockwell.com. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> [[Canadian Action Party]] leader [[Connie Fogal]] also opposes the UNPA, saying, "It is very revealing to see the [[New Democratic Party|NDP]] and the [[Green Party of Canada|Greens]] as part of and promoting this...Further, the European assembly has proven to be a rubber stamping mechanism of bureaucratic decisions. This is not democracy."<ref>[http://library.fes.de/pdf-files/iez/global/50196.pdf Campaign for UN People's Assembly is a ruse to impose an unaccountable Oligarchy] (PDF), [[Exchange Magazine]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> In addition, a [[Civicus]] article warns, "With an unexpected backlash against [[civil society]] in the offing (despite the good efforts of the [[UN General Assembly President]], [[Jan Eliasson]], to reverse the trend), citizen participation at the UN is diminishing quickly. It would be safe to assume that Member States as a whole are not in the mood to consider a Parliamentary Assembly at this time."<ref name="Civicus">Garcia-Delgado, Vincente ([[February 22]], [[2006]]). [http://www.globalpolicy.org/ngos/ngo-un/access/2006/0222assembly.htm Charting New Ways of Participation: Is it Time for a Parliamentary Assembly at the UN?], [[Civicus]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Herbert W. Briggs points out that while a UNPA could be established as a UNGA subsidiary body without any changes to [[international law]], granting it the power to pass binding legislation would require UN Charter amendment or a new treaty. The UNGA plays a role in admitting, suspending and expelling UN members, approving the budget, and electing members to other UN bodies, but its powers as set forth in [[Chapter IV of the UN Charter]] are mostly advisory in nature. These include the power to "discuss," "make recommendations," "consider," "call the attention of the Security Council to situations," "initiate studies," "receive...reports," etc., as well as "establish such subsidiary organs as it deems necessary for the performance of its functions." The Charter contains no provision allowing the UNGA to delegate any powers it does not itself possess. And while [[Article 25 of the UN Charter|Article 25]] states, "The Members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council," there is no requirement that members abide by the recommendations of the UNGA.<ref>Briggs, Herbert W. (1947). "The United Nations and International Legislation." ''The American Journal of International Law'', Vol. 41, No. 2 (Apr., 1947), pp. 433-435.</ref> On the other hand, Article 13(1)(a) of the Charter tasks the UNGA with "encouraging the progressive development of international law and its codification." According to [[Oscar Schachter]], there is some question as to whether the traditional international lawmaking process of state-by-state treaty ratification is adequate today: "The traditional case-by-case process of [[customary law]] cannot meet the necessity for common action to deal with the numerous problems raised by technological developments, demographic and environmental impacts, changing attitudes as to social justice, or the many requirements of international business. While all of these matters can be dealt with by multilateral treaties, the treaty processes are often complicated and slow, whereas UN resolutions can be more readily attained."<ref>Schachter, Oscar: "The UN Legal Order: An Overview," ''The United Nations and International Law'', Joyner, Christopher C. (ed.)</ref> The [[Law of the Sea]] is an example of an agreement that has taken decades to pass in the U.S. (although the [[Cato Institute]] views the delay as a good thing.)<ref>Bandow, Doug (2004). [http://www.cato.org/pub_display.php?pub_id=2567 Sink the Law of the Sea Treaty, Weekly Standard, week of March 15, 2004. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> George Mondiot opins, "The absence of an international legislature undermines the authority of an international judiciary (such as the proposed criminal court). Judges presiding over the war-crimes tribunals at [[the Hague]] and in [[Arusha]] have been forced, in effect, to make up the law as they go along."<ref>Monbiot, George (February 2002). [http://www.newint.org/issue342/planet.htm A Parliament for the Planet]. [[New Internationalist]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Proposals to give the UNGA legislative power – including the "[[binding triad]]" idea which would have made UNGA resolutions binding if passed by countries comprising a supermajority of the world's states, population, and economic production – have made little headway.<ref>The Center for War/Peace Studies. [http://www.cwps.org/bt.html The Binding Triad System for Global Decision-Making]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> According to Heinrich, once the UNPA is established, it will be easier to gather support for empowering it. The assembly's own members can be expected to play a major role in pushing for its evolution by seeking a UN Charter amendment to make it a "principal organ" in parallel with the General Assembly. With their political know-how, their access to the highest levels of their national governments, and their credibility with the world public and the media, the politicians in the UN Parliamentary Assembly can be expected to become a strong and persistent political force for organizing the assembly's eventual transformation.<ref name="Heinrich"/> ==Legitimacy and accountability== [[Image:Bolton un nkorea 20060715a 600.jpg|thumb|In the UN General Assembly, countries are represented by officials appointed by the executive. For instance, [[Permanent US Representative to the UN]] [[John Bolton]] was selected by, and reported to, [[US President]] [[George W. Bush]].]] One of the main purposes for the creation of a UNPA is enhancing UN accountability and legitimacy. The [[United Nations System]] spent more than [[USD|$]]1.8 billion of public money in 2005<ref>[http://www.globalpolicy.org/finance/tables/reg-budget/asses05.htm Regular Budget Assessment & Payments: 2005], [[Global Policy Forum]], 2005. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> and its own auditors have pointed out that it lacks adequate internal controls to protect against waste, fraud and mismanagement.<ref>United Nations ([[February 22]], [[2006]].) [http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2006/sc8645.doc.htm Peacekeeping procurement audit found mismanagement, risk of financial loss]. [[United Nations Department of Public Information]], New York. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> By holding hearings, issuing reports, and passing resolutions, the UNPA could exercise oversight over other UN bodies.<ref name="TakingDemocracyGlobal"/> In a September 2007 press release, MEP [[Graham Watson]] expressed his hope that "in an era where the UN's mandate has grown exponentially the UNPA would act as a watch-dog on its activities, monitoring its decision-making deadlines, its accountability and transparency".<ref name="CrossPartyCoalition"/> [[Mayor of London|London Mayor]] [[Ken Livingstone]] opined, "a more democratic United Nations as envisaged by this campaign will strengthen the accountability and legitimacy of the UN."<ref name="Selected">Livingstone, Ken & van Boven, Theo. [http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/aboutus/voices.php?PHPSESSID=652986a14503472aa7a528baffd99406 Selected testimonies about KDUN and its projects], [[CEUNPA]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The Pan African Parliament's resolution mirrored this sentiment: "If democratization is a major means to legitimize and improve national governance, it is also the most reliable way to legitimize and improve international organization, making it more open and responsive by increasing participation."<ref name="PanAfrican"/> [[Canadian Senate|Canadian Senator]] [[Douglas Roche]], O.C., argues in ''The Case for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly'' that even an indirectly-elected UNPA consisting of delegates appointed by national parliaments could create additional [[checks and balances]] by providing for oversight by a parliamentary body that would be independent of member nations' executive branches. It would open up the global policymaking process to a larger group of elected officials by shifting some power from the relatively small executive branches of countries to the larger legislative branches. According to Roche, [[globalization]] has tended to increase the power of the [[executive branch]] while marginalizing the [[legislative branch]]; for instance, [[U.S. President]]s since [[George H. W. Bush]] have been given [[fast track]] authority to negotiate trade agreements, subject to a "yea or nay" scrutiny by the [[U.S. Congress]] on the negotiated deal.<ref name="RocheCase">Roche, Douglas (May 2003). [http://www.wfm.org/site/index.php?module=uploads&func=download&fileId=130 The Case for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly] (PDF). [[World Federalist Movement]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> A [[Property and Environment Research Center]] report argues that changes in the [[Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development]] are another example of how [[international regulation]] removes checks and balances between the branches of government: "The OECD was created by a [[Convention on the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development|1961 treaty]], ratified by the U.S. Senate, to help achieve economic growth. In April 1998, a ministerial meeting reinterpreted the treaty, adding social and environmental considerations to the economic ones. The United States executive branch agreed to the changes, but the Senate had no opportunity to debate this treaty, even though it was significantly different from the 1961 treaty. The executive branch had essentially negotiated a new deal without Senate approval."<ref>Anderson, Terry L. & Grewell, J. Bishop (2000). [http://www.perc.org/pdf/ps20.pdf The Greening of Foreign Policy]. Policy Study No. 20. [[Property and Environment Research Center]].</ref> World Federalist Canada Briefing Paper No. 30, however, suggests that UNPA proposals may spark opposition from the executive branches that stand to lose power: "Experience has shown that civil servants and diplomats working in national foreign ministries are less likely to support or see the need for a UNPA. They view the UN as a forum for discussion among sovereign states; whatever action the UN takes is a result of bargaining and compromise among member states".<ref>[http://www.worldfederalistscanada.org/0896unpa.html Canadian Support for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly Under the New Foreign Affairs Minister], Briefing Paper No. 30, ''World Federalists Canada'', February 1996. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> [[Image:Tiananmen Square Visit.jpg|thumb|right|The composition of the Chinese [[National People's Congress]] (seated at the [[Great Hall of the People]], shown here) is controlled by the ruling [[Chinese Communist Party]].]]A significant practical obstacle to a completely democratically elected and representative UNPA is that, in contrast to the situation in which the European Parliament functions, a significant number of UN members, including populous countries such as [[China]] and [[Pakistan]], are not electoral democracies.<ref>Freedom House (2007). [http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=363&year=2007 Map of Freedom 2007], [[Freedom House]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> In the past, bodies such as the [[United Nations Commission on Human Rights]] were criticized for being dominated by abusive regimes.<ref>Buhrer, Jean-Claude (July 2003). [http://www.rsf.org/article.php3?id_article=7620 UN Commission on Human rights loses all credibility: Wheeling and dealing, incompetence and "non-action". Reporters Without Borders calls for drastic overhaul of how the commission works]. [[Reporters Without Borders]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> If UNPA representatives were to be drawn from member nations' parliaments, it could create legitimacy concerns since some national legislatures are regarded as a [[Rubber stamp (politics)|rubber stamp]] for the rulers' decrees.<ref>Associated Press ([[April 12]], [[2007]].) [http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,265455,00.html North Korea's Rubber-Stamp Legislature Replaces Prime Minister]. [[Fox News]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Some global parliament proponents, such as Prof. [[Lucio Levi]], propose starting a federation limited to democracies: "Though the democratization of states all over the world hasn’t been completed, this does not preclude starting the democratization of the UN. Six Western European countries founded the European Community, starting its democratization without waiting for the democratization of the institutions of all the European states."<ref>Levi, Lucio (September 2001). [http://www.dwfed.org/pp_levi.htm Globalization, International Democracy, and a World Parliament]. [[Democratic World Federalists]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> UNA-USA's Jeff Laurenti notes the problems associated with excluding undemocratic countries from membership: "It is one thing to deny membership to a few small "rogue" dictatorships. It is quite another to exclude China, the vast majority of Arab countries, and two-thirds of Africa, and imagine that the resulting body can have a formal consultative or oversight role with United Nations agencies, be part of UN-sponsored negotiations on multilateral conventions (the real work of international legislating), or pass on the resolutions of UN political bodies."<ref name="Laurenti"/> UNPA proponents frequently counter by pointing out that most of the world's countries are democratic.<ref name="RocheCase"/> World Federalists of Canada President Dieter Heinrich argues that the democratic majority could even use a UNPA to influence less democratic states:<ref name="Heinrich"/>{{cquote|Although the presence of too many pseudo-parliamentarians would risk diminishing the UN Parliamentary Assembly's legitimacy and moral authority, this disadvantage might be offset by advantages in other areas. In welcoming pseudo-parliamentarians into its midst, the assembly may well become a democratizing influence on them, and in this way become a force for the advancement of democracy in the non-democratic countries. Pseudo-parliamentarians, arriving from the non-democratic countries, would not be able to pretend they were simply diplomats doing a job. They would come claiming to wear the mantle of true parliamentarians who freely believed what they were saying. As such, they would be subject, as in any parliament, to very direct attempts at persuasion by their peers in ways diplomats would never be to join coalitions and modify their positions. Some of these parliamentarians, arriving as obedient spokespeople for their governments, might well return as advocates for positions taken by the UN Parliamentary Assembly. (The assembly may even need to consider protection for such parliamentarians, if they came to feel themselves at risk from their own governments.) In anticipation of this, some states with undemocratic parliaments might solve the problem for us by refusing to allow their parliamentarians to participate at all, for fear that they might become infected by the contagion of democracy. This, too, might help advance the cause of democracy undermining the legitimacy of those governments even further in the world community, and in the eyes of their own publics, adding to the pressure for change in those states.}} ==Funding== Heinrich opins, "It is essential that the salary and travel costs of UN parliamentarians should be paid by the institution of the UN Parliamentary Assembly from its own budget (which would be part of the UN budget), and not by the national governments individually. This is both to assure the independence of the UNPA politicians in their service to the UN and to assure equality of participation."<ref name="Heinrich"/> [[Chapter IV of the UN Charter#Article 17|Article 17 of the UN Charter]] stipulates, "The expenses of the Organization shall be borne by the Members as apportioned by the General Assembly." Thus, unless funded by private donors (as the land for [[UN headquarters]] was in 1946)<ref>A View on Cities (2007). [http://www.aviewoncities.com/nyc/unitednations.htm United Nations Headquarters]. [[A View on Cities]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref>, presumably the UNPA would be funded like the rest of the UN system, with larger economies such as the U.S. paying larger shares of the contributions. This disparity might be offset by weighting members' votes according to their [[gross national product]] or their contributions to the UN system.<ref name="Asian"/> A [[Vancouver Sun]] article notes, "Another point of opposition would involve the notion of adding bureaucracy and complexity to the UN. Estimated cost of the new outfit runs $140 million to $280 million a year."<ref>Yaffe, Barbara ([[October 16]], [[2007]]). [http://www.canada.com/vancouversun/news/editorial/story.html?id=fd9e2e32-f51b-47f5-a795-a03903503773&p=2 Sharing UN power with the people is a timely idea, but won't happen easily], [[Vancouver Sun]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> A 1993 [[Parliamentarians for Global Action]] survey showed that a strong majority of parliamentary respondents thought that the public would support the idea of a UN Parliamentary Assembly, but they were less sure the public would be prepared to finance it. The analysis pointed out, "The possibility of a greater financial burden to support an enlarged UN is unlikely to evoke support unless it can be demonstrated that the return on investment is significant. Citizens are often known to express lofty globalist sentiments when questioned on general principles, and to surrender them when costs or trade offs are concerned."<ref>[http://www.radioradicale.it/exagora/a-united-nations-parliamentary-assembly-0 A United Nations Parliamentary Assembly: Analysis and Parliamentarian Opinion], [[Radio Radicale]], September 1993. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> A 1995 [[United Nations University]] report claimed, "it is difficult to see how the Parliamentary Assembly would be able to pay for the salaries and travel of what could be over 1,000 representatives; this proposal could increase the duplication and waste that already exist within multilateral bodies."<ref>Knight, Andy W. (1995). [http://www.unu.edu/unupress/un21-report.html Envisioning the United Nations in the Twenty-first Century]. [[United Nations University]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> CEUNPA's response to this objection is that "it is true that a Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations would be another player in the diplomatic scenery which governments and their executives in international organizations would have to take into account to a certain degree. On the other hand, being composed of elected parliamentarians, the assembly would be closer to the citizens and as such it would lend more credibility and legitimacy to international decisions in which it is involved. In this way, the parliamentary assembly actually would contribute to an increased efficiency of international action."<ref>[http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/projects/unpa/faq.php?id=12 Wouldn’t international cooperation become even more complicated and ineffective if a UNPA would have a say?], CEUNPA. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> ==Direct election vs. appointment by national parliaments== A UNPA might begin as an [[Inter-Parliamentary Institution]] – an assembly of parliamentarians from their respective countries' legislatures – and then change to a directly elected body. This would be similar to the evolution of the European Parliament. Beginning with the European Common Assembly's founding in 1952, [[Member of the European Parliament|MEPs]] were appointed by each of the Member States' national parliaments; in 1979, direct election was instituted.<ref>Lehmann, Wilhelm (January 2007). [http://www.europarl.eu.int/facts/1_3_1_en.htm The European Parliament: historical background], [[Europarl]], January 2007. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Sen. Douglas Roche, O.C., in ''The Case for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly'', analyzes the tradeoffs between the two choices. A UNPA based on existing parliamentarians may be easier to establish, because it avoids several hurdles, such as decisions on electoral cycles, a universally acceptable electoral body, legitimacy of elections, and so on: "A body comprising national parliamentarians has the 'stamp of approval' built-in. National parliamentarians can claim electoral legitimacy in their own right. Admittedly, the credibility of domestic franchised can be called into question, but the trend toward democracy has been strengthening rapidly." National parliamentarians also generally have staff and money, which could ease the funding issues associated with forming a new world parliamentary assembly. Delegates to a directly elected UNPA, on the other hand, would have more time to devote to the global assembly, since its members would not be occupied with duties relating to their membership in their national legislature.<ref name=RocheCase/> Heinrich points out strategic advantages of an indirectly elected UNPA: "Another advantage to basing representation in a UN Parliamentary Assembly on national parliaments is that it may engage parliamentarians as allies in the cause of getting the assembly established, and, later, helping to build the political will for its evolution. The experience of being a UN parliamentarian will galvanize many of these politicians into going home as advocates for the UN, including the need for strengthening and democratizing the UN Parliamentary Assembly itself."<ref name="Heinrich"/> Heinrich also notes the possibility that national parliaments could appoint citizen representatives to the UNPA, similarly to how the [[U.S. Electoral College]] appoints the U.S. President. This would be a stopgap solution until direct election became possible. Yet it would still ensure that citizens would be electing citizens (albeit indirectly), rather than the executive appointing officials, to the UNPA.<ref name="Heinrich"/> ==Apportionment of votes== {| class="wikitable" align="right" |- bgcolor="#ececec" valign=top |'''System''' |'''Brazil''' |'''Indonesia''' |'''United States''' |'''India''' |'''China''' |---- |[[Schwartzberg's weighted voting]] |1.91% |1.38% |9.07% |5.96% |7.67% |---- |Provisional People's Assembly method<!--As of December 4, 2007; assuming 585 seats; see http://www.peoplesassembly.org/pa1/Main.aspx?doc=SeatsByNation--> |2.22%<!--13 seats--> |1.71%* <!--10 of 14 seats--><!--Due to status as "partially free"; otherwise, it would be 2.393%--> |6.15%<!--36 seats--> |5.64%<!--33 seats--> |3.25%** <!--19 of 37 seats--><!--Due to status as "not free"; otherwise, it would be 6.325%--> |---- |One person, one vote<!--See [[List of countries by population]] as of December 4, 2007. World population=6,671,226,000--> |2.81%<!--Population: 187,644,256--> |3.47%<!--Population: 231,627,000--> |4.55%<!--Population: 303,321,825--> |17.52%<!--Population: 1,169,016,000--> |19.82%<!--Population: 1,322,245,331--> |---- |Penrose method<!--Square root of the millions; assuming inclusion of all countries at [[List of countries by population]]; as of December 4, 2007.--> |1.84% |2.05% |2.34% |4.60% |4.89% |---- |One state, one vote |0.52% |0.52% |0.52% |0.52% |0.52% |---- |<small>* Due to "Partially free" status. ** Due to "Not free" status</small> |} [[Image:UNPA Allocation.png|right|400px]]A global parliamentary assembly could be structured to give populous states greater influence. The [[one state, one vote]] rule of the UN General Assembly gives small states a disproportionate amount of influence over the UN system. In ''Entitlement quotients as a vehicle for United Nations reform'', [[University of Minnesota]] professor emeritus [[Joseph E. Schwartzberg]] notes, "The sixty-four least populous members – enough to block a two-thirds majority vote – comprise less than one percent of the world's total population! And, in theory, the 127 least populous members, accounting for barely eight percent of humanity, are enough to provide the two-thirds majority needed to pass a substantive resolution."<ref>Schwartzberg, Joseph E. ([[January 1]], [[2003]]). [http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/summary_0199-2566894_ITM Entitlement quotients as a vehicle for United Nations reform.(reforming United Nations so it can better fulfill its mission)], Global Governance. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> He continues this point in his essay, ''Overcoming Practical Difficulties in Creating a World Parliamentary Assembly'':<ref>Schwartzberg, Joseph E. (May 2003). Overcoming Practical Difficulties in Creating a World Parliamentary Assembly. [http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/documents/unpa-reader-2003.pdf A Reader on Second Assembly & Parliamentary Proposals] (PDF). Mendlovitz, Saul H. & Walker, Barbara. (Ed.) Center for UN Reform Education. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> {{cquote|the disparities in populations among members of the UN are so much greater than those of units represented in any national legislature as to make a second house analogous to the [[US Senate]] an impractical recommendation. To comprehend this point, note that [[California]], the most populous state in the United States, has 69 times the population of [[Wyoming]] the least populous state, whereas [[China]], the most populous member of the UN, has more than 100,000 times the population of [[Nauru]] or [[Tuvalu]], the two least populous members (each with barely more 10,000 inhabitants). While California has 52 seats in the [[US House of Representatives|House of Representatives]], compared to Wyoming’s one, both have two seats in the Senate. But who would argue that Nauru should have as much power ... as China?}} There are several alternate proposals for apportionment of votes among member nations. [[Schwartzberg's weighted voting]] formula takes into account population (the democratic/demographic principle), contribution to the UN budget (the economic principle), and share of the total membership. The idea of weighting countries' votes according to their financial contribution to the organization is not unprecedented, as the [[World Bank]], [[International Monetary Fund]] and other [[Bretton Woods]] institutions use this method.<ref>World Bank (2007). [http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTABOUTUS/Resources/wbgroupbrochure-en07.pdf Who Runs the World Bank?]. World Bank Group: Working for a World Free of Poverty. [[World Bank]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The [[Provisional People's Assembly]]'s methodology gives each nation Population Seats based on a calculation that combines the Penrose method, Economic Seats equal to its portion of the world's total [[gross domestic product]], and classification as Free, Partially Free, or Unfree by [[Freedom House]].<ref>[http://www.peoplesassembly.org/pa1/Main.aspx?doc=Methodology Methodology for Calculating Seats], [[Provisional People's Assembly]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Under [[one person, one vote]], each country's number of votes is directly proportional to its population. This would be similar to how [[U.S. state]]s are represented in the [[United States House of Representatives]]. In ''The Future of Sovereignty - Rethinking a Key Concept of International Relations'', Hasenclever et al sum up the advantages and disadvantages of this system: "In a strict meaning of democracy based on individuals as subjects, every person's vote would have to have exactly the same weight. None of the known proposals, however, supports such a strict interpretation, because the inequality among the states' voting powers would be extreme with only four countries - China, India, the United States and the former USSR - disposing of an absolute majority."<ref>Hasenclever, Andreas; Mayer, Peter; Rittberger, Volker; Schimmelfennig, Frank; & Schrade, Christina (1996). [http://www.uni-tuebingen.de/uni/spi/taps/tap26.htm The Future of Sovereignty - Rethinking a Key Concept of International Relations]. [[Universität Tübingen]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> The [[Penrose method]] takes the square root of the millions of inhabitants in each country. The [[Bundesrat of Germany|German Bundesrat]] reflects an allocation similar to what would be achieved under the Penrose method.<ref>Darlington, Roger ([[July 299]], 2007. [http://www.rogerdarlington.co.uk/Germanpoliticalsystem.html A Short Guide to the German Political System]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> ==Election standards== A directly-elected UNPA might have common election standards if it follows the example of European Parliament (EP). The [[Elections in the European Union|European Parliament has adopted]] certain minimum requirements, such as [[proportional representation]], that each member country must abide by to be represented.<ref>Lehmann, Wilhelm (January 2007). [http://www.europarl.eu.int/facts/1_3_4_en.htm 1.3.4. The European Parliament: electoral procedures], [[Europa (web portal)]]. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Schwartzberg proposes a professional [[election commission]] "to ensure that assembly elections are carried out, to the maximum extent, on a level playing field".<ref>Schwartzberg, Joseph E. (2003) [http://www.uno-komitee.de/en/documents/unpa-reader-2003.pdf Overcoming Practical Difficulties in Creating a WPA] (PDF). A Reader on Second Assembly & Parliamentary Proposals, Center for UN Reform Education. Retrieved on [[2007-12-07]].</ref> Under Schwartzberg's proposal, the commission would have several powers, including the authority to establish rules of fairness, determine in advance whether fairness criteria were being met, and foreclose polling where those criteria were not met. He proposes criteria that an election must meet to be considered valid, such as minimum participation rates that initially could be set as low as 20%, and gradually increased. ==See also== * [[List of indices of freedom]] * [[List of countries by population]] * [[Community of Democracies]] * [[Global governance]] * [[Reform of the United Nations]] ==References== {{Wikisourcepar|Charter of the United Nations}} {{reflist}} {{Supranationalism/World government topics}} {{featured article}} [[Category:United Nations Parliamentary Assembly]] [[ar:الجمعية البرلمانية للأمم المتحدة]] [[de:Parlamentarische Versammlung bei den Vereinten Nationen]] [[fr:Assemblée parlementaire des Nations unies]] [[pt:Assembleia Parlamentar das Nações Unidas]]